Kashmir and the Imagination of the Hindu Rashtra Concerned Citizens’ Collective

Kashmir and the Imagination of the Hindu Rashtra Concerned Citizens’ Collective

Image courtesy: The Indian Express
The Indian government under the Bharatiya Janata Party treats Kashmiri Muslims as Erewhonian criminals, aggressively turning their longstanding struggle and their pain of living in a conflicted state into terrorism and ‘crime’, while also repeatedly pathologising Kashmiri Muslims as terrorists. This is reflected in the violence unleashed by the Indian army on the common, dissenting people of Kashmir, mutilating their bodies, their faces with pellets to counter the tension that erupted in the wake of Hizbul Mujahideen commander Burhan Wani’s killing in July 2016.  
In December 2016, a team comprising well-known documentary filmmaker Tapan Bose, activist Harsh Mander, professor Dinesh Mohan, journalist Pamela Philipose, and independent researcher Navsharan Singh called the Concerned Citizens’ Collective travelled to Kashmir to assess the impact of the violence on the common and innocent people of the state. They brought out their findings in a book titled Blood, Censored: When Kashmiris Become the ‘Enemy’, published by Yoda Press in July 2018.
In the following essay, republished here with permission, the authors explain how the Indian Army, by openly filming and photographing the way they torture the Kashmiri ‘suspects’, in addition to the actual physical torture they inflict on them with the full sanction of the Indian state, has resulted in a violent visual culture that grants them greater and stronger impunity. 

It is impossible to comprehend the policy of New Delhi with regard to Kashmir without recognising that for people on both sides of the ideological divide in India, Kashmir has a supreme symbolic importance well beyond just the land and its people. What makes Kashmir supremely significant for both is that it is the only Muslim majority state in India. All other Muslim majority regions in undivided India (except Hyderabad which was subdued) joined the union of Pakistan. Kashmir, through a historical default, remained with India.
For secular Indians, Kashmir is a test-case for a country that declares in its constitution that the nation belongs equally to people of every faith. By that tenet, the fact that Kashmir has an overwhelmingly Muslim population is irrelevant to the claims that Pakistan lays on Kashmir, on the grounds that the majority of its people are Muslim; because Pakistan is a country whose central organising principle is religion while for India it is not. The problem is of course the gaping chasm between the principle and practice of India’s constitutional secularism. If the majority of Muslims in Kashmir are not convinced that India in practice assures them the dignity and protection of equal citizenship, then the moral claims on their hearts and minds of India’s secular constitutional break down. They also shatter if the Hindu (and Sikh Buddhists) minorities do not feel safe and equal in Kashmir. The exodus of the Kashmiri Pandits from the valley in the 1990s, and the lack of any effective political and social initiative from the Muslim residents of Kashmir to either prevent their flight, or to ensure that they can return safely today and live in mixed settlements with their Muslim neighbours as in the past, further enfeebles the secular premise for Kashmir to remain a part of India.
But the greatest weakness for those who believe that Kashmir’s continuation in India is the ultimate litmus test of the success and authenticity of its secular credentials is that if the majority of Kashmiri Muslims demonstrably do not want to continue to throw their lot with India’s destiny, then no secular democratic principle is endorsed by holding them to India by decades of military suppression.
For the Hindu nationalists, on the other hand, precisely the fact that Kashmir is a Muslim majority state makes it suspect in its loyalty to the Indian nation. In the eyes of the RSS, in the orthodoxy of the Sangh, the Muslim is the ‘enemy within’. The taming and domestication of Kashmir has therefore always been high on the RSS agenda for India as a Hindu Rashtra, the flying of India’s flag in Lal Bagh central square in Srinagar. (The irony is that the RSS has long refused to fly in Indian tricolour in its headquarters in Nagpur; it flies instead of a saffron flag). The annulment of Article 370 of India’s constitution, which guarantees a special status to Kashmir, is one of the triumvirate of paramount demands of the RSS. The other two are the construction of a Ram Temple at the site of the Babri Masjid in Ayodhya, and a uniform civil code (again aimed to revoke the rights of Muslim men to have more than one wife or to divorce their spouse at will).
Therefore, in the present era of triumphalism in the Hindutva camp, with Prime Minister Modi’s repeated impressive successes in the hustings, the suppression of any kind of popular or militant Kashmiri assertion is politically fundamental to the advance of the Hindu Rashtra. It is for this reason that the domestication of Kashmir is seen to be imperative not just for the integrity of the Indian nation, but for the triumph of Hindu nationalism.
Unlike in the erstwhile UPA administration, which also subscribed to a militarist approach to Kashmir but at the same time kept open other avenues of dialogue and development, the present administration is happy for the Kashmiri to see the Indian state mainly in the form of a menacing and unrelenting gun-toting Indian soldier.
The Guardian asks, ‘How did India get here? How is it all right for a constitutionally democratic and secular, modern nation to blind scores of civilians in a region it controls? Not an authoritarian state, not a crackpot dictatorship, not a rogue nation or warlord outside of legal and ethical commitments to international statuses, but a democratic country, a member of the comity of nations. How are India’s leaders, thinkers and its thundering televised custodians of public and private morality, all untroubled by the sight of a child whose heart has been penetrated by metal pellets? This is the kind of cruelty we expect from Assad’s Syria, not the world’s largest democracy.’ The answer can only be—India got here because of the triumph of majoritarian nationalism: its hubris, its spectacular want of compassion.

Image courtesy: Kashmir Observer
The suppression of Kashmir is now a made-for-television spectacle, designed to both whet and assuage bloodlust in the rising ranks of Hindu nationalists, who see themselves as by definition the only authentic Indian nationalists. The army records videos of its military operations and successes, not just against Pakistan but also Kashmir, and hands these out to television channels which obediently, uncritically and often with a shared triumphalism relay these, portraying the unruly Kashmiri not just as the disloyal ‘other’, but as the enemy. It is difficult to recall an occasion in the past in which the army chief in India has openly held out threats to a section of the country’s own civilians. General Bipin Rawat does so belligerently, aware that he is openly intimidating young citizens of his country and theirs. The army is a highly disciplined force, and its serving officers would not speak to and through the media unless they were authorised to do so. Again, we do not recall junior officers of the armed forces defending strategies such as the human shield aimed against Indian civilians in the way that Major Gogoi did on prime-time national television. As Apoorvanand observes, ‘That it did not shock us when Gogoi addressed the nation through the media after being decorated is a disturbing sign. Before him, and the current army chief, we do not remember any army officer addressing a press conference, not even after the Pakistan Army’s surrender in 1971, not after Operation Blue or the Kargil conflict. In all these, the army was the main actor. But it refrained from being seen as the director. It was always seen as following the civil authority. The present government is invoking nationalism to legitimise itself. It is trying to show it is the first government which backs the army. The latter is obliging by making the government’s nationalist agenda its own.’
Even more extraordinary is the release, presumably by Indian army sources of videos, that record their harsh coercive and violent action against protesting Kashmiris. Earlier we could have expected security forces to restrain any such public celebration of their breaking of the backs and spirits of unarmed civilians, because of service discipline, for fear of criticism by liberal opinion within and outside the country, and perhaps the sense that the violent repression of one’s citizens is not something to publicly celebrate in a democracy. But no longer. Instead, these videos are circulated as evidence of army valour, and of decisive action against the unruly and disloyal Kashmiri. Mohamad Junaid says that the ‘open-air theatre’ of violent repression was an essential part of the strategy of the Indian security forces in the first phase of militancy in the 1990s. During ‘crackdowns’ on Kashmiri urban neighbourhoods and villages, the Indian military would pick Kashmiri men and publicly beat and torture them. It was done in front of other Kashmiris, who were forced to gather in open spaces and watch. This served ‘as a warning but also as a psychological operation to break people’s will.’
But he feels that the current ‘visual politics’ of the display of army action on social media in Kashmir is different. First, he says, it helps serve the political objective of satisfying hyper-nationalist sentiment: ‘The military is matching in practice what the true desh-bhakts are asking for in their blood-curdling discourse. The videos are meant to bring the Indian nation out of the closet, and unabashedly embrace the hard reality of Indian rule in Kashmir.’
The distribution of these videos, he says further, is also to reassert a fragile masculinity against the deflation he feels has taken place since Burhan Wani’s killing and then on election day on 9 April 2017. ‘The Indian military has become inadequate to the task of keeping Kashmir subdued, or at least this is what it reads in its assessment of the desperate nationalist mood in India. It has responded with febrile displays of violence where it used to try to hide it. For long, only images of mangled bodies of dead militants were publicly displayed to assert Indian military’s masculinity. Now it is bodies of unarmed Kashmiri civilians, beatings of youths and women, the humiliation of children, and blasted houses in Kashmir.’
One can agree or disagree with Junaid’s harsh assessment, but the question remains. Why should the army post celebratory videos of its severe punitive action against civilians who are unarmed or armed at best with stones, often very young, and sometimes women and girls? Videos that establish that the way it treats citizens of the country is in brazen violation of human rights, the law of the land, and international law?
For retired army personnel, free from even the formality of army discipline, this is of course open season. A number of them rally their hyper-nationalist rage against the rebellious stone-pelting Kashmiri youth in noisy television studios. An Indian Army veteran, Major Manoj Arya, wrote an open letter to Burhan Wani. He describes him as ‘despicable’. ‘You could have been an engineer, a doctor, an archaeologist or a software programmer but your fate drew you to the seductive world of social media, with its instant celebrity hood and all encompassing fame. You posted pictures on the internet with your “brothers”, all you fine young Rambos holding assault rifles and radio sets. It was right out of Hollywood… The day you started with your social media blitzkrieg, you were a dead man. You encouraged young men of Kashmir to kill Indian soldiers, all from behind the safety of your Facebook account. Your female fan following was delirious. You were a social media rage… I wish we had met… (before killing you). And your parent’s son is dead. Dead from a 7.62mm full metal jacket round to the head.’

The Next Front – ‘Introduction’ chapter, from the Document-China: A Modern Social-Imperialist Power, by CPI (Maoist)

The Next Front – ‘Introduction’ chapter, from the Document-China: A Modern Social-Imperialist Power, by CPI (Maoist)


In its 9th Congress held in January 2017, the United Congress of the Communist Party of India (Maoist) (CPI-Maoist) decided to conduct a special study on emerging trends in social, economic, political, and cultural changes with regard to strategy toward capitalist-revisionist China. The Central Committee was authorised to execute this decision. As per the decision taken by the Central Committee during its 4th Conference, it considered mainly two things: the trends within China, and whether China has become a social-imperialist power. These were their two study points. After investigating, the Central Committee adopted the following thesis at its 5th Conference: “Today China has become a modern social-imperialist power, an integral part of the capitalist-imperialist world system, while also playing the role of antagonist towards the oppressed classes and people in general.” The Marxist-Leninist-Maoist parties, groups and powers are in solidarity with the worker-peasant, suppressed, and other oppressed classes of society with the objective of world socialist revolution, marching toward a creative struggle to win over antagonistic imperialist China and end its conceptions of revisionism, social-imperialism, and obscurantism. Our two communist parties have two global responsibilities: to support the working class and to support its revolution. To accomplish these tasks, the social-imperialist nature of China must be exposed thoroughly. We must understand the process by which China transformed into a major and competent imperialist state among the imperialist nations of the world. We must also succeed in the process of segregating global alliances and enmities in accordance with the principles of international class divisions. We must evaluate everchanging structural variations and their specific conditions prevailing in the world. Unless we study these aspects, we cannot understand modern wars, the politics of modern revisionists, and the incidental variations in the imperialist system. Leninism holds that imperialism is the highest stage of capitalism – it is war, it is moribund.
Imperialism affirms the rise of the socialist movement, and the 20th century has proven this. The Leninist theory of imperialism applies even today. War is the supreme tool by which imperialism divides and reorganises the world for its vested interests. Imperialism indulges in war for the sake of its monopoly on the world. It principally gains through war. Wars are inevitable so long as imperialism exists in the world. It penetrates into underdeveloped nations in the guise of neo-colonialism to continue its obsessive compulsion for loot. It sucks the blood of the common people and the oppressed, and it is the cause of their extreme misery and distress. “Modern wars are the result of imperialism,” said Lenin, time and time again. The two world wars in first half of the 20th century broke out among the imperialist countries as a contest to gain supremacy over the world by dividing and reorganizing it. “The attempt to escape the new political and economic crises of the imperialist countries led to the last two world wars,” said Mao.
America has plundered the wealth of the world through imperialist war. It acquired windfall gains by selling weapons in abundance to countries who have engaged in war. In this way, America has become  the imperialist superpower of the capitalist world. When America’s imperialist economic system  incorporated a war economy, it focused only on wars. Hence, it orchestrated aggression and war. We can see this trend from Korea, Vietnam to Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya and Syria. War will continue so long as imperialism prevails. If we want to abolish war, we must eradicate the capitalist-imperialist system. The cold war between the then superpowers of the US and the USSR had an impact on the developed and underdeveloped countries. This gave rise to wars directly or indirectly among them. From 1945- 1990, at the least 125 regional wars, civil wars, and armed conflicts led to the deaths of more than 40 million people, while millions more were victimized and displaced. The economic crisis that resulted in these countries because of imperialist war is greater than that of the crisis that caused the World War II.
Wars continued to break out during the 1990s. American forces waged treacherous wars in Honduras, Ukraine and in Egypt, and America fomented incessant armed riots. Military interventions by Britain and America’s other allies have led to the deaths of nearly 3.2 million Muslims. The wealthiest and the most secular country in Africa, Libya, was destroyed by America. Libya, which once warmly embraced migrants, is now being destroyed, displacing half its population. More than 1 billion people live in extreme poverty and suffer from malnutrition. Moreover, nearly 17 million people are dying due to poverty every year. Half of them are children. America is trying to cover the ever-increasing expansion and expenditure of Israel. Leaving aside the welfare of its own people, America is amassing more than 20 trillion-dollars in debts to pay the debts of Israel and massacre Muslims. America is directing trillions from its budget to do this, subjecting its own people to misery and thereby causing the deaths of more than 200,000 of its own people every year.
The imperialist riots unleashed in Syria with the intent to overthrow the government of Bashar Al
Assad have led to the deaths of 500,000 people and another 2 million wounded or displaced. Moreover, millions of people were made homeless, migrating to neighbouring countries as well as some European countries. America destroyed many communities that had lived together amidst their shrines and holy places in brotherhood, peace, secularism and non-violence. The imperialist wars of aggression waged under the leadership of America on Afghanistan, Libya, Syria, Iraq and many other countries have caused countless deaths and injuries, destroyed countless homes, and forced countless people worldwide to migrate.
In order to secure the imperialist system and deceive the people of the world, imperialists and revisionists mislead the people in all possible ways with various fictions according to the changing scenery of the contemporary world. It is time to expose and mortify them. The contemporary political vengeance of imperialism is a predictable result of the capitalist economic system. Imperialism is extending its political machinery to suppress the people by implementing its fascist dictatorship far and wide. The stronger the repression, the stronger the resistance. The worker-peasant classes, the petty-bourgeoisie and other oppressed classes of society, even the endangered species, are relentlessly waging wars against Imperialism. Our party, the Communist Party of India (Maoist), is relentlessly striving to exterminate imperialism from the earth, to install communism, and to unite the oppressed classes and masses. Our party leads them and shoulders the responsibility to fight alongside them.
In light of China’s rise as a social-imperialist power, the present task is for all working-class parties around the world to develop manoeuvres to sustain themselves. Party leadership, on these principles, must gather the oppressed classes and people of their societies and lead them in the march towards socialism. This document was released by the Central Committee to elucidate how socialist China transformed into a capitalist and imperialist power and how to develop strategies to combat it. Let us study this document thoroughly. In the light of five inherent features and three special aspects of imperialism taught by the great Lenin, let us analyse and synthesise in the light of Marxism-LeninismMaoism in order to build a correct scientific understanding of China’s social-imperialist development.
Translated from Telagu by the Revolutionary Anti-Imperialist Movement

iNDIA CPI Maoist Announces ‘Operation Ghamasan’ To Counter Government’s ‘Operation Samadhan’

iNDIA CPI Maoist Announces ‘Operation Ghamasan’ To Counter Government’s ‘Operation Samadhan’

Maoists in eastern India have launched ‘operation Ghamasan’ to counter ‘Operation Samadhan’ launched by the Narendra Modi government last year to end the five-decade-long Naxalite insurgency in various parts of the country.
While Samadhan, in English, means solution, Ghamasan means fierce. Senior security officials who have read the newly-released Maoist document said the ultra-Left rebels are likely to try to escalate violence to recover from the reverses they suffered in the past few years.
“We have thoroughly studied the new policy (Samadhan) of our enemy forces and have come up with our response plan. Ghamasan is the answer to Samadhan,” says the 11-page handout, dated June 25 and published by the eastern regional bureau (ERB) of the central committee of the banned CPI(Maoist).
Ghamasan, just like Samadhan, is an acronym. Overall, operation Ghamasan centres on the idea of combining ‘armed struggle’ with ‘mass mobilisation’ and opening new fronts of struggle while staying focused on ‘self-rectification’. It stresses on intensifying armed struggle by arming more people and increasing arms power.
The publication urged students, intellectuals, cultural activists and workers and farmers to focus on building the ‘a broad anti-fascist front’ against the Narendra Modi-led NDA government and to expedite building movements against displacement.
“Our appeal to members of all level of party committees, the People’s Liberation Guerrilla Army and the Revolutionary People’s Committees (Maoist-run outlawed self-governments) is to fight on the basis of class struggle and the right to self-determination of the people. Our appeal to the broad mass, including workers, farmers, students, youths, intellectuals, journalists, cultural activists and the women is for uniting all anti-fascist forces,” the publication said.
Incidentally, this publication emerges less than a month after Pune police told a court that rights activists Gautam Navlakha, lawyer Sudha Bhardwaj and poet-cum-Maoist ideologue Vara Vara Rao, among others, were acting on behalf of the Maoist for forging an ‘anti-fascist front’.
“The underlying theme of the document is that Maoists have tacitly admitted that security operations have weakened them. ‘Ghamasan’ is their bid to recover from the setback and also to boost the morale of their cadres and sympathisers,” said R K Mallick, additional director general of police (operations), Jharkhand.
“It is also clear made clear that while we want a solution to the problem of wanton violence, they want to make it deadlier. We anticipate they would try to escalate violence,” Mallick added.
The eastern India chapter of CPI(Maoist) is headquartered in the dense forests of Jharkhand and headed by Prashanta Bose alias Kishan-da, the senior-most leader of the party. Presently, eight members of CPI(Maoist) central committee are attached with ERB.
The publication, in circulation in parts of Jharkhand, Bihar and West Bengal since August, also stresses on the need to strengthen ‘united front activities.’ This refers to joint activities with other democratic and legally functioning organisations.

මාඕවාදීහු මධ්‍ය ප‍්‍රදේශ්-චටිස්ගාර්-මහාරාෂ්ට‍්‍රා සීමාව තුළ ‘නව’ යුධ කලාපයක් ඉදි කරමින් සිටියි – රෝ ඔත්තු සේවය මගින් වාර්තා කරයි

මාඕවාදීහු මධ්‍ය ප‍්‍රදේශ්-චටිස්ගාර්-මහාරාෂ්ට‍්‍රා සීමාව තුළ ‘නව’ යුධ කලාපයක් ඉදි කරමින් සිටියි – රෝ ඔත්තු සේවය මගින් වාර්තා කරයි


ඉන්දියානු බුද්ධි අංශවය වන රෝ හි වාර්තාවකට අනුව, (sentinelassam.com) ඉන්දියානු ආරක්ෂක අංශ මගින් දැනට සිදුකරමින් යන මර්ධන මෙහෙයෙුම් අතරදී, මාඕවාදී ඉන්දියානු කොමියුනිස්ට් පක්ෂය, මධ්‍ය ප‍්‍රදේශ්-චටිස්ගාර්-මහාරාෂ්ට‍්‍රා (MMC), හි නව ගරිල්ලා කලාපයක් ඉදි කොට ප‍්‍රාන්ත දේශ සීමාව තුළ දැඩි යුධ පිටියක් බිහි කිරීමට උත්සාහ කරමින් සිටී.

රහසිගත බුද්ධි තොරතුරුවලට අනුව, මාඕවාදීහු මේ වන විට යුධ කලාපයේ ඔවුන්ගේ ප‍්‍රදේශ වල ආරක්ෂක අංශ ඉලක්ක කිරීමට සැලසුම් සකස් කරමින් සිටී. වාර්තාවට අනුව මාඕවාදීන්ට සිය යුධ කලාපය උතුරෙන් සහ නැගෙනහිරින් සකස් කිරීමට අවශ්‍යව ඇත්තේ බලගත්-රාජ්නන්දගෝන්-කබි‍්‍රධාම්-ගාන්ධියා අතර සම්බන්ධතා කෝරිඩෝරයක් සකස් කරමිනි.

බුද්ධි අංශ මූලාශ‍්‍ර වලට අනුව මාඕවාදීහු විශාල ප‍්‍රදේශයක් ප‍්‍රසාරණය කිරීමට තීරණය කොට ඇත. මේ සඳහා බොහෝ කාලයක් ගත වනු ඇත. මේ සඳහා චටිස්ගාර්හි රාජන්දගන් සහ මහාරාෂ්ට‍්‍රා හි ගාන්ධියා මධ්‍ය ප‍්‍රදේශ්හි බලගත් කලාපවල මාඕවාදීහු ක‍්‍රියාකාරී වී සිටිති.

වාර්තාව මගින් කියැවෙන අන්දමට මාඕවාදී කාඩර්වරු චටිස්ගාර්, මහාරාෂ්ට‍්‍රා සහ ඔරිස්සා රජයන්හි විශේෂ බලකායන්වලට එරෙහිව ප‍්‍රහාර එල්ල කිරීමේ වැඩසටහනක් සැලසුම් කරමින් සිටී. මාඕවාදී ඒරියා කොමිටියේ ජ්‍යෙෂ්ඨ සාමාජිකයෙක් සිය කණ්ඩායමට විශේෂ පොලිස් නිළධාරීන් සහ පොලිස් ඔත්තුකරුවන් සොයා ඝාතනය කිරීමට අණ දී ඇත.

මේ කලාපය තුළ, මාඕවාදීහු රජයේ සංවර්ධන ව්‍යාපෘති වලට විරෝධය පළ කරති. චටිස්ගාර් සුක්මා දිස්ත‍්‍රික්කයේ ක‍්‍රියාකාරී මාඕවාදී අණදෙන්නන් විසින් ගම්වැසියන් සමග රැස්වීමක් පවත්වා පර්නා ගම්මානයේ පිහිටි විදුලි බලාගාරය විනාශ කර දැමීම ගැන කතා කොට ඇත. මේ අතරතුර, මාඕවාදීහු ග‍්‍රාමීය ජනතාවට ආමන්ත‍්‍රණය කරමින් මාර්ග ඉදිකිරීමේ ක‍්‍රියාකාරකම් නවත්වන ලෙසටත්, රාජ්‍ය දේපල අත්පත්කරගන්නා ලෙසටත් ඉල්ලීම් කොට ඇත.

ජාක්හෑන්ඩ් වල මාඕවාදීන්ගේ බිම් බෝම්බ ප‍්‍රහාරයකින් ජගුවර් බල ඇණියේ ජවානාස් සෙබලූ 6ක් මරුට

ජාක්හෑන්ඩ් වල මාඕවාදීන්ගේ බිම් බෝම්බ ප‍්‍රහාරයකින් ජගුවර් බල ඇණියේ ජවානාස් සෙබලූ 6ක් මරුට

අඟහරුවාදා දිනයේ කාර්වතී හිදී බිම්බෝම්බයක් පිපිරීමෙන් ජගුවර් බලඇණියේ ජවානාස් සොල්දාදුවන් 6 දෙනෙකු මිය ගොස් තිබේ. කිහිප දෙනෙකු තුවාල ලද අතර පිපිරීම නිසා සොල්දාදුවන් 6 දෙනෙකු මරණයට පත්වී ඇති බව වාර්තා වේ. ජාතික මාධ්‍ය වාර්තාවලට අනුව, පිපිරීම සිදුව ඇත්තේ මාඕවාදීන් සොයා පිරික්සුමක් සිදු කරන අතරතුරදීය. මාඕවාදීන්ට එරෙහි යුද්ධයේදී ජගුවර් යනු විශේෂයෙන් පුහුණු කරන ලද ඒකකයකි.

අතරුදහන් වූවන්ගේ පවුල්වල සාමාජිකයින් විසින් දියත් කළ විරෝධතාවයට දින 500ක්

අතරුදහන් වූවන්ගේ පවුල්වල සාමාජිකයින් විසින් දියත් කළ විරෝධතාවයට දින 500ක්

Vavuniya Families of the Disappeared take protest to Nallur ahead of 500th day

ශ‍්‍රී ලංකාවේ උතරු නැගෙනහිර යුද්ධයේ අවසාන හරියේදී උතුරේ පවුල්වල සාමාජිකයින් විසින් සිය පවුල්වල දේශපාලන ක‍්‍රියාධරයින් රජයේ හමුදාවට බාර දුන්හ. මෙසේ බාර කළ ප‍්‍රමාණය 12,000කට ආසන්න බව කියැවේ. යුද්ධය හමාර වී වසර 9ක් වී ඇතත් මෙලෙස බාර කළ පුද්ගලයින් පිළිබඳව කිසිදු තොරතරුක් තවම දැන ගන්නට නොමැත.

July 9, 2018
Vavuniya Families of the Disappeared take protest to Nallur ahead of 500th day

අතරුදහන් වූවන්ගේ පවුල්වල සාමාජිකයින් විසින් දියත් කළ විරෝධතාවයට දින 500ක් සැපිරෙන දිනයේ වවුනියාවේ සිට නල්ලූර් වලට විරෝධතාවය රැගෙන ගොස් තිබේ.


07Jul 2018

Families of the disappeared currently protesting in Vavuniya, took their struggle to Nallur today, staging a one-day hunger strike in front of the Jaffna temple.

අතුරුදන් වූවන්ගේ පවුල්වල සාමාජිකයින් විසින් වවුනියාවේ පැවැත් වූ විරෝධතාවය වවුනියාවේ සිට නල්ලූර් වලට ගෙන ගොස් ඇත. එසේම අද යාපනය කෝවිල ඉදිරිපට එක් දිනක මාරාන්තික උපවාසයක්ද සිදු කරන ලදි.

The Vavuniya protest reaches its 500th day tomorrow, Sunday. The protestors carried out special prayers at the Nallur Kovil, and also paid tribute to Thileepan at the nearby monument.

ඉරිදා දිනය වන විට වවුනියාව විරෝධතාවය දින 500 ඉක්මවා ඇත. විරෝධතාකරුවන් නල්ලූර් කෝවිල පරිශ‍්‍රයේදී, තිලීපන් සිහිකොට ගෞරව දැක්වුයේ ඒ ස්මාරකය ආසන්නයේදීය.


In Italy, from North to South, solidarity tour with the People’s War in India has started!

In Italy, from North to South, solidarity tour with the

People’s War in India has started!

Saturday, June 9, 2018


“Massacres and repression against Maoists and population by the hindu-fascist government at the service of imperialism”
“Proletarian and Internationalist Solidarity!”
“Solidarity Committee with Indian People’s War”
Freedom for Indian Political Prisoners
Solidarity with workers’ struggles in India
Stop “Green Hunt”

Palermo, proletarians in struggle supporting the Peopels’s War:

Source: ICSPW India

නීති විරෝධී අත් අඩංගුවට ගැනීම් වලට එරෙහිව ඉන්දියාවේ විරෝධතාවයන්

නීති විරෝධී අත් අඩංගුවට ගැනීම් වලට එරෙහිව ඉන්දියාවේ විරෝධතාවයන්

2018 ඒකාබද්ධ මැයි දින ප‍්‍රකාශනය

2018 ඒකාබද්ධ මැයි දින ප‍්‍රකාශනය

‘‘සකල දේශවාසී නිර්ධනයිනි, සමගිවව්!’’

– කාල් මාක්ස්

2018 මැයි 1 වන දා – කාල් මාක්ස් ගේ 200 වන උපන් දින සැමරුම ත්, මාක්ස් එංගල්ස් විසින් රචිත කොමියුනිස්ට් පක්ෂයේ ප‍්‍රකාශනයේ පළමු නිකුතුව සිදුකොට 170 වෙනි සංවත්සරය ත් යෙදී ඇත. කොමියුනිස්ට් පක්ෂයේ ප‍්‍රකාශනය වූ කලී ඊයේ, අද සහ හෙට නිර්ධනීන්ට සහ කොමියුනිස්ට්වාදීන් ට සජීවී ආයුධයක් ලෙසින්, ඔවුන්ගේ වලංගුභාවය සහ බලය සහතික කර ගැනීමට ලබා දෙන ලද ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨ ආයුධයක් වන්නාහ.

‘‘සෑම සමාජයක ම ඉතිහාසය පංති අරගලයේ ඉතිහාසයයි.’’

‘‘සමස්ත සමාජය ම ප‍්‍රධාන සතුරු කඳවුරු දෙකකට නොහොත් එකිනෙකට ප‍්‍රතිවිරුද්ධ පංති දෙකකට කෙලින්ම බෙදී ඇත: එය ධනේශ්වර පංතිය සහ නිර්ධන පංතිය යි’’.

‘‘නවීන රාජ්‍යයේ දේශපාලන බලය වූ කලී සමස්ත ධනේශ්වර පංතියේම පොදු කටයුතු පරිපාලනය කරන කමිටුවකි.’’

ප‍්‍රකාශනයේ ලියා ඇති පරිදි – මේ ක‍්‍රමය අඛණ්ඩව අර්බුද නිර්මාණය කරයි. මේ අර්බුද වූ කලී අධිනිෂ්පාදනයේ අර්බුදයි. ‘‘ධනේශ්වර සම්බන්ධතාවයන් පටු වෙමින් නිෂ්පාදනය සීමා කරයි.’’

‘‘ධනේශ්වර පංතිය අර්බුද මැඩපැවැත්වීම සිදු කරන්නේ කෙසේද? ‘‘එක් අතකින් නිෂ්පාදන බලවේගයන්හි විශාල ප‍්‍රමාණයක් බලහත්කාරී ලෙස විනාශ කර දැමීමෙනි. එසේත් නැතිනම් නව වෙළඳ පොලවල් දිනා ගැනීමෙන් සහ දැනටමත් පවතින සූරා කෑම වඩාත් තීව‍්‍ර කිරීමෙනි’’.

නමුත් මෙය මගින් සිදු කරන්නේ නව සහ වඩාත් දරුණු අර්බුද නිර්මාණය කිරීම පමණකි.

නමුත් ධනේශ්වර පංතිය ඔවුන්ගේම මරණයේ අවි නිෂ්පාදනය කරනවා පමණක්ම නොව එම අවි ඔවුන්ට විරුද්ධව භාවිතා කළ හැකි මිනිසුන්ද බිහි කරයි.

‘‘මේ මිනිස්සු – ප‍්‍රකාශනයේ ලියන පරිදි – නූතන කම්කරුවා, එනම් නිර්ධන පංතිය, ඔවුන්ට කරන්නට වැඩ ලැබෙන තෙක් ජීවත්වන අතර ඔවුන්ගේ වැඩවලින් ප‍්‍රාග්ධනය වැඩි කළ හැකිතාක් ඔවුන්ට වැඩ සොයාගත හැකි වනු ඇත.’’.

‘‘වර්තමානයේ ධනේශ්වර පංතියට එරෙහිවන සියළුම පංති අතුරින්, නිර්ධනීන්ගෙන් සැදුම්ලත් පංතිය පමණක් සැබෑ විප්ලවවාදී පංතිය වෙයි; අනෙකුත් පංති දූෂිත සහ දිරාපත් වන ඒවා වන අතර ඔවුන්ට කලින් තිබූ වරප‍්‍රසාද ලබා ගන්නට අවශ්‍ය වූ විට ප‍්‍රතිගාමී සහ ගතානුගතික තත්ත්වයට පත්වෙයි; ඔවුහු නිර්ධන පංති ජනතාව අතරට ඇද වැටුණු විට ඔවුන්ද නිර්ධන පංති අරගලයේ කොටසක් බවට පත් වෙති.’’

නිර්ධනීන්ට සමාජ නිෂ්පාදන බලවේග අත්පත් කර ගැනීමට හැකි එකම විධිය නම්, පවතින සමස්ත නිෂ්පාදන ක‍්‍රමවේදය අහෝසි කිරීමෙන් පමණි.

‘‘ඉතිහාසය, පංති අරගලයේ ඉතිහාසය බැවින් මෙම පංති අරගලය අඩු වැඩි වශයෙන් පවතින සමාජය විවෘත විප්ලවයකින් පුපුරුවා දමා ධනේශ්වර පංතිය ප‍්‍රචණ්ඩකාරී ලෙස පෙරලා දමා නිර්ධනීහු බලය අත්පත් කර ගන්නා මොහොත තෙක් පවතින සමාජයට කරදර කරන සැඟවුණු ‘සිවිල් යුද්ධයක්’ වේ.’’

කොමියුනිස්ට්වාදීන්ගේ අරමුණ පැහැදිලි සහ නිවැරදි එකකි: එය නිර්ධනීන් පංතියක් ලෙස නිර්මාණය කිරීම, ධනේශ්වර ආධිපත්‍යය පෙරලා දැමීම සහ නිර්ධන පංතිය විසින් දේශපාලන බලය දිනා ගැනීම වේ.

කොමියුනිස්ට්වරුන්ගේ කාර්යභාරය නිත්‍ය සහ අත්හළ නොහැකි දෙයක් බවට කොමියුනිස්ට් ප‍්‍රකාශනය මගින් ඉදිරිපත් කොට ඇත. ‘‘කම්කරු පංතියේ ක්ෂණික අරමුණු සහ අභිලාශයන් සාක්ෂාත් කර ගැනීමට අරගල කරන අතරේම, ඔවුහු නියෝජනය කරන ව්‍යාපාරයේ අනාගතය උදෙසාද එකම මොහොතේ අරගල කරති.’’ ඔවුහු ධනේශ්වර පංතිය සහ නිර්ධන පංතිය අතර ඇති ප‍්‍රතීඝතාවයන් පිළිබඳව කම්කරුවන් සංවිඥණිකව අවදි කිරීමට හැකි සෑම විටම කටයුතු කරති. එසේම දේශපාලනික තත්ත්වයන් යටතේ කම්කරුවන් ධනේශ්වර පංතියට එරෙහි ආයුධ බවට පත් කළ හැකිය.

‘‘සෑම තැනකම සිටින කොමියුනිස්ට්වරු පවතින සමාජ සහ දේශපාලනික තත්ත්වයන්ට එරෙහි සෑම විප්ලවීය ව්‍යාපාරයකටම සහය දිය යුතුය. එසේම මේ සෑම අරගලයකම ප‍්‍රාග්ධනයේ අයිතිය පිළිබඳ ගැටළුව මූලික ගැටළුවක් ලෙස මතු කළ යුතුය.’’

‘‘කොමියුනිස්ට්වාදීහු යනු කවුරුන්දැයි වෙන කවරදාටවත් වඩා මාක්ස් එංගල්ස් අපට උගන්වයි – කොමියුනිස්ට්වාදීහු – සිය මතය සහ අරමුණු සැඟවීම පිළිකෙව් කරන අතර සිය අරමුණු සාක්ෂාත් කර ගත හැක්කේ පවතින සමස්ත සමාජ ක‍්‍රමය ප‍්‍රචණ්ඩකාරී ලෙස පෙරලා දැමීමෙන් පමණක් බව ප‍්‍රකාශ කරති… මක්නිසාද යත් නිර්ධන පංතියට දෑතේ යදම් හැර නැතිවන්නට කිසිවක් නැත, දිනාගැනීමට ලෝකයක් ඇත.’’

ලෙනින්ගේ ඉගැන්වීම් අනුව අධිරාජ්‍යවාදය බවට පත් වන, මාක්ස් විසින් විශ්ලේෂණය කරන ලද ධනවාදය, ගැඹුරු ආර්ථික අර්බුද හරහා දිගටම ගමන් කරමින් එය ලෝකයේ ජනතාව සහ නිර්ධනීන් මතට පටවනු ලැබේ.

ඔවුහු ‘‘විසඳුම්’’ ගැන කථා කළද සිදුව තිබෙන එකම දෙය නම් ලාභය, ධනය සහ යුධඅවි සඳහා වන තරඟය වැඩි වීම පමණකි.

නිර්ධනීන් සහ පොදු ජනතාව වන අපට විරැකියාව, අස්ථීර බව, සූරාකෑම සහ වහල්භාවය, දුප්පත්කම, අමුද්‍රව්‍ය සහ බලශක්ති සම්පත් කොල්ලකෑම, පරිසරය සහ භූමිභාග විනාශ කිරීමට මුහුණ දෙන්නට සිදුවෙයි.

මේ තත්ත්වයට එරෙහිව, නිර්ධනීන් සහ පොදු ජනතාව අධිරාජ්‍යවාදී රටවල මෙන්ම අධිරාජ්‍යවාදය මගින් පීඩාවට පත් කරනු ලැබූ රටවල කැරලි ගසනු ලබයි.

ජනතාව වහල්භාවයට පත් කිරීමේ අභිලාශයෙන් අධිරාජ්‍යවාදය විසින් මර්ධනයට පත් කරන රටවල්වල අධිරාජ්‍යවාදී ධනේශ්වරය සහ පාලක පංතිය, නිර්ධන පංතියේ සහ පීඩිත ජනතාවගේ කැරලිවලට මර්ධනයෙන් සහ සමූලඝාතනවලින් පිළිතුරු දෙයි. රාජ්‍යයන් හැම විටම වඩ වඩාත් ප‍්‍රතික‍්‍රියාවන්ගෙන් සහ ෆැසිස්ට්වාදය අතරින් ගමන් කරනු ලැබේ.

විප්ලවය ප‍්‍රධාන ප‍්‍රවණතාවය බව තහවුරු කරමින් නිර්ධනීහු සහ ජනතාව ප‍්‍රතිරෝධය දක්වමින් සිය අරගල සහ මහජන යුද්ධ සංවර්ධනය කරති.

ධනේශ්වර අධිරාජ්‍යවාදීහු සහ ප‍්‍රතිගාමී රජයන් අන්තර් අධිරාජ්‍යවාදී ගැටුම් තීව‍්‍ර කිරීම සඳහා වහල්භාවය ගෙන එන අතර බෙදීම සලකුණු කරන නව ලෝක යුද්ධයක ප‍්‍රවණතාවය පණ ගැන්වීමට වාණිජමය සහ තෙවන පාර්ශවීය යුද්ධ මුදා හරියි.

අධිරාජ්‍යවාදී යුද්ධවලට විරුද්ධ විය හැකි එකම ක‍්‍රමය නම් ඒවා විප්ලවකාරී සිවිල් යුද්ධ බවට පරිවර්තනය කිරීම සහ ජාත්‍යන්තර පරිමාණයෙන් මහජන යුද්ධ සංවර්ධනය කිරීමෙන් පමණකි.

සංශෝධනවාදීන් සහ සමාජ-ප‍්‍රජාතන්ත‍්‍රවාදීන් විසින් ලූහුබඳින මාවත වන, සංශෝධනවාදයේ මාවත, රජයන් සහ අධිරාජ්‍යවාදී රාජ්‍යයන් සමග සාමදාන වීමට සහ ඔවුන්ගේ සැලසුම් සාක්ෂාත් කර ගැනීමට, මහජන ව්‍යාපාර සහ කම්කරුවන් අතර විප්ලවීය මාවතට එරෙහිවෙයි.

ප‍්‍රතිසංස්කරණවාදයේ අර්බුදය හමුවේ, ජනතාව බෙදීමට කූට ප‍්‍රතිගාමී ජන නායකත්වයක් භාවිතා කරන සමාජ ප‍්‍රජාතන්ත‍්‍රවාදය සහ සංශෝධනවාදය, නව ජනතාවාදී පාර්ලිමේන්තු බලවේග, ජනතාව පාලක පංතියේ රථයන්ට ඇද ගනිමින් ධනේශ්වර පංතියේ සහ අධිරාජ්‍යවාදී රාජ්‍යයන් වල අභිලාශයන් ඉදිරියට ගෙනයයි. ජනතාවාදය, නව-නාසිවාදය සහ ෆැසිස්ට්වාදයට ඉන්ධන සපයනු ලබයි.

කොමියුනිස්ට්වාදීහු සහ අතිවිශාල නිර්ධන පංතිය ජනතාවගේ කැරලි විජයග‍්‍රාහී විප්ලවයන් කරා, අධිරාජ්‍යවාදය මගින් පෙලන රටවල්වල නව ප‍්‍රජාතන්ත‍්‍රවාදය හරහා සමාජවාදය දෙසට ගමන් කිරීමට, අධිරාජ්‍යවාදී රටවල්වල කොමියුනිස්ට්වාදය දෙසට ගමන් කරන සමාජවාදී සහ නිර්ධන පංති විප්ලවයන් බවට පත් කිරීමට වැඩ කළ යුතුය. ඒ ඒ රටවල විශේෂිත තත්ත්වයන්ට ආදේශ කළ මාක්ස්, ලෙනින් සහ මාඕගේ අදහස් මත පදනම් වූ කොමියුනිස්ට්වරු, නව සහ අව්‍යාජ විප්ලවීය කොමියුනිස්ට් පක්ෂ, සූරාකෑමට ලක්වන සියළු පීඩිත ජනතාව සහ නිර්ධනීන් විසින් මෙහෙයවනු ලබන එක්සත් පෙරමුණු, සටන් වදින බලඇණි සහ විප්ලවවාදී මහජන හමුදා බිහි කිරීම සහ සංවර්ධනය කිරීම සිදු කළ යුතුය.

ජනතාව සතුව මෙම ආයුධ පවතීනම් පමණක්, ඔවුන්ගේ වීරෝධාර සහ පරිත්‍යාගශීලී අරගලයට ජයගැනීමට හැකිවනු ඇත.

ලෝක පරිමාණයේදී, මාක්ස්වාදී-ලෙනින්වාදී-මාඕවාදී පක්ෂ විසින් නායකත්වය දෙනු ලබන මහජන යුද්ධ තීරණාත්මක සහ අත්‍යවශ්‍ය උපායික දර්ශකයන් වේ.

ඉන්දියාවේ මහජන යුද්ධය, කෙලින්ම අධිරාජ්‍යවාදයේ ප‍්‍රධාන අටල්ලකට සහ ලෝකය තුළ ප‍්‍රතික‍්‍රියාවකට බලපෑම් කරමින්, පිලිපීනය, පේරු, තුර්කි රාජ්‍යයන්වල මහජන යුද්ධ සමග බලසම්පන්න සමුද්දේශ ලක්ෂ්‍යයක් බවට පත්ව ඇත. අද ඔවුහු සුවිශේෂී ලෙස, නව සමාජයක් සහ නව බලයක් ඉදි කිරීම සඳහා සියළු ප‍්‍රතිගාමී බල ඇණිවල සහ අධිරාජ්‍යවාදයේ සූරාකෑම සහ මර්ධනය සහිත ක‍්‍රමයක් පෙරලා දමන ආකාරය පෙන්වා දෙයි.

මාක්ස්වාදී-ලෙනින්වාදී-මාඕවාදී කොමියුනිස්ට්වරු, ජාත්‍යන්තර කොමියුනිස්ට් ව්‍යාපාරයේ ශ්‍රේණීන් සංශෝධනවාදයෙන් සහ යටත්වීම්වාදී ප‍්‍රවණතාවයන්ගෙන් නිදහස් කරගෙන, එම විටම වඳ සුළු ධනේශ්වර විප්ලවවාදීත්වයට, පොතේගුරුවාදයට ඇද නොවැටී එක්සත්වීම සහ සිය එක්සත්වීම බලගැන්වීම සිදුකළ යුතුය.

බලය ලබා ගැනීම සඳහා වන අව්‍යාජ විප්ලවීය අරගලයක ක‍්‍රියාකාරීත්වයක් ලෙස, පංති අරගලයේ අග්නිය මැද ජනතාව සමග සමීප සම්බන්ධතාවයක් පවත්වා ගනිමින් පමණක් කොමියුනිස්ට් පක්ෂ ඉදිකිරීම සිදු කළ හැකිය.

කාල් මාක්ස්ගේ 200 වෙනි උපන්දින සංවත්සරයේ දී මාක්ස්වාදය-ලෙනින්වාදය-මාඕවාදය වූ කලී අපේ යුගයේ මාක්ස්වාදයයි!, හඬගා ප‍්‍රකාශ කළහ. එය සමස්ත ලෝකය පුරා සිටින කොමියුනිස්ට්වාදීන්ගේ සමගිය සඳහා වන මූලික පදනමයි.

‘‘සකල දේශවාසී නිර්ධනයිනි, සමගිවව්!’’ යන ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨ සටන්පාඨය මාක්ස් විසින් ඉදිරිපත් කොට ඇත. එය නිර්ධන පංති ජාත්‍යන්තරවාදයේ රතු ධජයයි. එය නව කොමියුනිස්ට් ජාත්‍යන්තරයක් ගොඩ නැගීම සඳහා වන ආයුධයයි.

කොමියුනිස්ට්වාදයේ අනාගතය අපගේ දෑත් මත රැඳී ඇත.

2018 මැයි 1

අත්සන් තබන ලද පක්ෂ සහ සංවිධාන

මාඕවාදී කොමියුනිස්ට් පක්ෂය ඉදිකිරීමේ කමිටුව, ගලීෂියාව, ස්පාඤ්ඤ රාජ්‍යය
ඇෆ්ගනිස්ථාන් කොමියුනිස්ට් මාඕවාදී පක්ෂය
නේපාල කොමියුනිස්ට් න්‍යෂ්ටිය
නේපාල කොමියුනිස්ට් පක්ෂය (විප්ලවීය මාඕවාදී)
ප‍්‍රජාතන්ත‍්‍රවාදය සහ පංති අරගලය, බි‍්‍රතාන්‍ය රාජ්‍යය
මාඕවාදී කොමියුනිස්ට් පක්ෂය – ඉතාලිය
මාඕවාදී කොමියුනිස්ට් පක්ෂය මනිපූර්
මාඕවාදී විප්ලවීය ලීගය – ශ‍්‍රී ලංකාව
කොමියුනිස්ට් කම්කරු සංවිධානය – ටියුනීසියාව
ඛදෙහිනස් පක්ෂය – ටියුනීසියාව
විප්ලවීය කොමියුනිස්ට් පක්ෂයය – කැනඩාව
කොමියුනිස්ට් කම්කරු සංගමය (මාක්ස්වාදී ලෙනින්වාදී මාඕවාදී) – කොලොම්බියාව
කම්කරු හඬ – මලයාසියාව
*ඉන්දියානු කොමියුනිස්ට් පක්ෂය (මාඕවාදී)

India – Varavara Rao Speaks Out: Expand The People’s War To Fight Brahmanical Hindu Fascism And Advance The New Democratic Revolution

India – Varavara Rao Speaks Out: Expand The People’s War To Fight Brahmanical Hindu Fascism And Advance The New Democratic Revolution

The killings of Mohammad Akhlaq, Prof. M M Kalburgi and Yakub Memon have come to symbolize in many ways the prevailing situation in the country under Modi-led BJP-rule. Akhlaq was bludgeoned to death at his Dadri home in September by a lynch mob that was instigated, mobilized and led by a bunch of Sanghi goons after maliciously spreading the rumour of beef-eating.

Prof. Kulbargi was shot dead by unidentified Hindutva-fascist assassins because of his consistent and irrepressible opposition to their designs in Karnataka. Memon was hanged this July in Nagpur jail after his conviction in the 1993 Mumbai blasts in a travesty of justice.
For the self-appointed gendarmes of the ‘Hindu Rashtra’, to eat something of one’s choice is anti-national, to voice dissent is anti-national, to be even the brother of a Muslim who is accused of so-called anti-national activities is anti-national – ‘crimes’ that are punishable by death according to the Manuvadi Hindutva-fascists.
Whether the execution is actually carried out judicially by the state or by any of the numerous murderous gangs raised by the hydra-headed RSS – it makes little different to the person at the receiving end.
These killings (and of Govind Phansade and Narendra Dabholkar earlier) are but a few of the more talked-about incidents in what has become an incessant barrage of attacks carried out in many forms by the Hindutva-fascists across the country.
Particularly since the BJP government came to power, such attacks are taking place almost on a daily basis. Though termed by some as ‘intolerance’, this is part of an all-round attack by the Brahmanical Hindu fascist forces against the people and affecting all spheres of their lives.
These attacks are simultaneously ideological, political, social, religious, ethnic, economic, cultural, juridical and environmental – carried out with violent and non-violent, legal and illegal, constitutional and extra-constitutional means.
On their target are all kinds of dissent and non submissiveness, particularly the fighting organizations and individuals – revolutionary, democratic, secular and patriotic – as well as Muslims and Christians, Dalits and Adivasis, women and people of other oppressed genders, oppressed nationalities and even sections of the parliamentary opposition.
In fact, anyone who refuses to fall in line with their Hindutva agenda or opposes their fascist diktats is a potential target. Indeed, at a time like this when the assault of he Hindutva-fascists is becoming increasingly conspicuous in all spheres of the society and the state, one cannot be faulted for wondering if a vast section of our people are already made to live in the shadows of a veritable ‘Hindu Rashtra’.
Hindu-fascism, even with its specificities, shares many characteristics of the fascisms that emerged in the capitalist countries during the economic, social and political crises period of the the1930s, the Great Depression and the interval between the two inter imperialist World Wars.
Like Italian fascism and German Nazism, Hindutva too is a phenomenon of the era of imperialism and proletarian revolution, emerging along right-wing or fascist parties, institutions, armed detachments and gangs in the capitalist imperialist countries with or without a parliamentary democratic cover. Fascism raised its head when at its highest stage, capitalism had entered a period of general crisis and socialism emerged as a real alternative before the world people with the victory of Bolshevik Revolution.
The role of Italian, German, Japanese and other fascist movements of that time was to address this existential threat faced by the imperialist ruling classes of their respective countries.
It was the political offensive of the bourgeoisie against the proletariat to come out of its severe economic and political crises. They pursued a domestic policy of open terrorist rule and a foreign policy of aggression and wars.
Domestically, the main enemy of the fascists was the organizations and movements of workers and toiling masses, revolutionary proletarian parties and organizations along with other democratic classes and national minorities, migrants, while internationally, its prime target was the socialist camp led by the Soviet Union along with the national liberation movements of the colonies and semi-colonies.
They waged counter-revolutionary wars against communist and democratic forces all over the world until revolutionary and national liberation wars finally consigned them to their graves.
But Hindutva – the ‘Made in India’ variety of fascism – not only escaped the fate of its European and Japanese contemporaries but has in fact thrived during the last hundred years of its existence. Hindutva fuses elements of India’s caste-feudalism (such as its reactionary Brahmanical ideology and deep-rooted notion of inborn superiority, etc.) with those modern bourgeois concepts (like the nation, Aryan Race theory of colonial-Orientalist scholars and their communal formulation of Indian history, and so on) that suit the interests of the Indian comprador ruling classes and the obsolete social institutions and forces.
It falsifies history to invent a glorious past of the ‘Hindu nation’, unmindful of the fact that neither a religious community called the ‘Hindu’ nor a nation called the ‘Indian’ existed prior to British conquest of the subcontinent.
The brainchild of the early Hindutva proponents is the neo-Brahmanical reactionary utopia of the ‘Hindu Rashtra’ (nation), which the Hindutva fascists project back as the country’s ‘glorious’ past and hold up as the ideal for the country’s glorious future.
They seek to impose this fascist ideology on both Hindus and non-Hindus and all social communities, sections and classes who do not agree with their communal conception of society and history.
While Muslims and Christians are seen as aliens to be either assimilated, kept in line or suppressed, the Sikhs, Buddhists, Dalits and Adivasis are considered to be already Hindus and are included in the ‘Hindu nation’ against their will.
The hierarchical, hegemonic and chauvinist Hindutva ideology, culture and values are imposed on all of them by suppressing, controlling or co-opting their diverse cultures, languages, beliefs and customs.
This fascist ideology of Hindutva is also reflected in the organizational structure of Hindu-fascist organization. RSS, Hindu Mahasabha etc. that were established in the early 1920s are highly authoritarian and allows no disagreement with the leaders.
The command of the Sarsanghchalak is the last word in RSS and is accepted without question. From its inception, Hindutva forces received support and patronage of the big landlords and the comprador big bourgeoisie as its reactionary ideology and authoritarian organizational structure was a useful tool for their economic and political interests.
They were also subservient to the British colonial rulers, calling upon the people to struggle for ‘national regeneration’ at a time when all the anti-colonial, democratic and patriotic forces were engaged in the independence struggle (Savarkar glorified colonialism by writing that “the glory of the British empire is great” (V D Savarkar, Hindutva, p.85, 166); Golwalkar expressed his disdain for national independence by terming it as “that haphazard bundle of political rights” (M S Golwalkar, We or Our Nationhood Defined, p.7).
True to their comprador character, Hindutva fascists continue to commemorate collaborators and traitors as heroes like Savarkar while denouncing genuine nationalists and patriots like Tipu Sultan.
Hindutva-fascist forces stand for conciliation of antagonistic classes to prevent the development of class consciousness among the toilers and an intensification of the organized class struggle.
For instance, RSS had written to PM Nehru way back in 1948, “Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh’s is the only way to meet the challenge of communism and its is the only ideology which can harmonize and integrate the interests of different groups and classes and thus successfully avoid any class-war” (Letter by RSS office-bearers to PM Nehru, published in Organizer, 23 October 1948). They make use of the traditional adaptability of Hinduism to social change by preserving, protecting and strengthening all its reactionary aspects in the service of the ruling classes – be it the colonial rulers or the Indian ruling elite subservient to imperialism which took their place.
They bolster the joint dictatorship of the big landlords big comprador capitalists by suppressing the democratic classes, whipping up communal and national chauvinism, persecuting religious minorities and oppressing minority nationalities, Dalits, Adivasis and women.
Ideologically, the metaphysical, idealist and subjective Hindutva world-outlook is a die-hard opponent of all forms of scientific, materialist, rational, objective and dialectical approach to understand and change the world – most of all the Marxist approach of scientific socialism and dialectical and historical materialism.
Ideological-political indoctrination, social demagogy, national and religious chauvinism, Goebbelsian propaganda, co=option and buying-out – i.e., all means fair and foul are part of their arsenal to win over one section of the broad masses and to terrorize others.
They fully utilize the gullibility, backwardness, ignorance and contradictions among the broad masses as well as the reactionary aspects in people’s culture and social values rooted in the country’s semi-colonial semi-feudal system.
They constantly engage in lies, deception, hypocrisy and subterfuge to manipulate public opinion and to hoodwink, mislead and divide the masses – often doing the opposite of what they say and saying in  complete contrast to what they do.
They use the products of modern science and technology to enslave the masses and achieve their reactionary social, economic, political and cultural goals.
Hindutva-fascism has adapted itself to the changing conditions and utilized all available forms to spread its most deceitful, deceptive and bloody tentacles. Contrary to its ideology and stated goals, it pledged itself to non-violent means, declared adherence to the Indian Constitution and presented itself as a mere cultural organisation (as did RSS after Gandhi’s assassination to get its ban revoked) – but it does not conform to them in practice.
Like its Nazi counterpart, it has utilized India’s parliamentary system to come to power in pursuit of its objectives.
From the formation of Bharatiya Jana Sangh in 1951 to the formation of first BJP government at the centre in 1997, Hindutva-fascism had gained ground in large parts of the country by working under cover of parliamentary politics. But as Ram Janmabhoomi agitation, Rath Yatra, demolition of Babri Masjid, the subsequent bloodbath of Muslims in many parts of the country, Gujarat pogrom and innumerable other large and small heinous acts show, they have used extra-parliamentary and violent terrorist methods for parliamentary ends.
They have achieved some significant success in their tactics largely because its parliamentary opposition – whether the Congress, revisionist CPI-CPI(M) or various regional parties – has proved ineffective in stopping the onward march of Hindutva-fascism.
In fact, these ruling-class parties themselves have many overt or covert Hindutva adherents within them and helped in the growth of Hindutva-fascism with their class collaboration and opportunist politics. Since the parliamentary elections of 2014, BJP has emerged as the largest, most powerful and most preferred all-India party of the big comprador bureaucratic capitalists and landlords subservient to imperialists by displacing the Congress from this position.
Like all fascisms of the past, the present growth of Hindutva-fascism has taken place amidst an acute crisis of the world capitalist system beginning in 2008 which has not shown any serious sign of recovery. Fascist trends of various hues are on the rise once again all over the world.
In India too, the old method of rule by the Congress-led UPA became inadequate for the Indian ruling classes in the present condition of crisis. Modi-led BJP was therefore catapulted to power in the last elections to carry out the agenda of neo-liberal ‘reforms’ more aggressively and ruthlessly – by fascist means if need be.
The BJP with its neo-fascist Hindutva ideology and a wide network of fascist organisations working in almost all fields and regions and among all social sections, was best suited for the job.
The ‘slow’ pace of the IMF-World Bank  neo-liberal reforms and or hold-ups in opening all sectors of the economy for foreign and Indian big capital has led the BJP and its NDA allies to steamroll a plethora of policy changes through parliamentary and extra-parliamentary means.
Displaying naked majoritarianism based on its absolute majority in the Lok Sabha, Modi-led BJP government is imposing these policies with the fascist argument that they have got the popular mandate to implement whatever programme and policy they like.
It is worth noting that the Fascists in Italy and the Nazis in Germany too had won majority seats in the parliamentary elections and used this brute majority to impose their policies. As the country’s economy sinks deeper into the abyss of recession and crisis, Hindutva-fascists led by Modi are taking desperate measures to satisfy their masters – the imperialists.
On the one hand, the big capitalists big and landlords are showered with enormous financial windfall through introduction of new pro-corporate laws and changes in the existing laws, tax cuts and tax holidays, loan waivers and debt restructuring, disinvestment, handing over government property at dirt-cheap rates and through numerous such legal and illegal means.
A number of existing laws related to the well-being and welfare of the people such as labour laws, laws entitling peasants to subsidy and compensation, pension, retirement-benefit and insurance regulations for the salaried classes, laws related to social security, health and education, etc. are being changed by the government by terming them as old and obsolete, while the age-old colonial laws used for suppressing the people are not only being retained but are bolstered with newer amendments.
Schemes like ‘skill development’ are introduced to prepare a few million unemployed as cheap semi skilled labour to meet the needs of the global capitalist economy and the Indian big capitalists.
The drama of debate is acted-out in the pigsty of parliament by the ruling parties and the opposition alike, but all anti-people bills and policies are ultimately passed with mutual understanding.
On the other hand, government expenditure on agriculture and manufacturing, social welfare and subsidies, education and health, water and housing, etc., are drastically curtailed in the name of fiscal discipline and austerity.
Economic and political rights won by the people – be it workers, peasants, working women, employees, salaried people and others from the middle classes through long and bitter struggles – are taken away step by step to serve the interests of the imperialists and the Indian ruling classes.
It is introducing a plethora of new policies that are having a bearing upon all spheres – economy, education, health, environment, social welfare and so on. Foreign investment which only tightens the noose of imperialism is presented by Modi government as the panacea for all the economic problems besetting the country.
While mouthing pious discourses on ‘Environmental Justice’, the government is proceeding to remove even the remaining namesake restrictions on environmentally sensitive zones to invite foreign investment and maximize the exploitation of natural resources.
By issuing indiscriminate clearance to mining, dams, highways, ports, housing, industries and such other projects and almost all kinds of services in such ecologically fragile regions, it is giving an open  invitation for unprecedented ecological destruction and pollution, not to speak of large scale displacement of the people. Unable to address the basic problems of the masses or fulfill the grand pre-election promises, Modi and his ministers are resorting to gimmicks and ‘perception management’.
Following the model of the Nazi ace-propagandist Joseph Goebbels, Modi government is making extensive use of print, electronic and digital media to slyly manipulate public opinion, to delude the masses with lies and deception and to hard-sell the pro-imperialist and pro-Hindutva agenda it is trying to implement.
The media is being controlled in covert and overt ways to monopolize the means of disseminating information. Phrases like ‘development’, ‘empowerment’ of the poor and the Dalits, Adivasis, women or other ‘weaker sections’, ‘Sadbhavana- Shanti-Suraksha’, ‘nation building’, ‘national interest’ and such phrases are relentlessly bombarded in a Goebbelsian manner.
Sangh Parivar organisations too are using mass media to hide the real face of Hindutva fascism, to shape public opinion in favour of its agenda and to turn illusions into reality. Hypocrisy in words and in practice is a hallmark of the Hindutva-fascists.
Parallel to this process is the gradual fascization of the state. Be it the bureaucracy, judiciary, armed forces, jails or any other wing of the state – the BJP government is staffing their top rungs with Hindutva adherents wherever possible.
The military, paramilitary and police forces are being further fascized during their training and service by the Hindutva fascists by using state power.
They are being indoctrinated with pseudo-patriotism and favourite Hindutva themes like unity and integrity of the country, national interest, War on Terror, etc.
In this way they are being brought closer to the Hindutva camp and ideologically prepared to ruthlessly crush the people and all forms of democratic movements in the name of defending the country and the nation, religion and faith, civilization and culture, etc.
Keeping the mask of Narendra Modi in the forefront, Sangh Parivar is trying to expand its social base by introducing a few populist social welfare programmes like ‘Beti Bachao-Beti Padhao’, ‘Jan Dhan Yojana’, ‘Swacch Bharat Abhiyan’, etc.
Like all fascist forces of the past, the NDA government and the Sangh are taking up some of these populist measures only to facilitate the heightened exploitation and repression of the toiling masses and the oppressed social groups without stirring up widespread resistance.
A renewed attempt is being made at saffronisation of education through measures like rewriting of school textbooks, changes in the syllabus, imposition of Sanskrit, Yoga and Hindu rituals in schools, and similar other measures. Modi government has stepped up its interference in the internal affairs of the universities and all other autonomous institutions with the aim of imposing the fundamentalist Hindutva agenda.
This is in addition to the intensification of the previous government’s policy of promoting privatisation of education. It is aggressively eulogising RSS figures like Savarkar, Shyama Prasad Mukherjee and Deen Dayal Upadhyaya etc. and systematically naming public landmarks like roads, public institutions, welfare schemes, etc. in conformity to their ideology. Such measures are making the pro-rich, pro-Hindu, pro-‘upper’ caste, male-bias of the state even more pronounced.
Muslims and their organizations are being targeted by the state in the name of fighting ‘Islamic terror’, while discrimination against religious minorities is becoming more menacing. While a free hand is given by the state to the offenders of the saffron camp including murderers involved in massacre of Muslims, stringent punishment including life term and death sentence are being handed out to the accused Muslims.
A large number of them are kept in long-term detention without trial. Hindutva fascists are holding up religious minorities as the enemies in front of the people to divert their growing frustration and anger into harmless channels. Similarly, Dalits, Adivasis, women, oppressed nationalities, rationalists, atheists, democrats, communists or even the parliamentary opposition – anyone who are in opposition to them – are being targeted. Anyone standing for genuine democracy, independence, sovereignty and self-reliance or militantly raising the basic democratic demands of the people is subjected to brutal violence using the state or saffron terror.
Thousands of such attacks have been carried out in the last one and a half years of Modi rule, and the number is on the rise. The growing incidents of so called intolerance all over the country too are an integral part of the Hindutva-fascist design.
Internationally, BJP government and the Hindutva fascists are pursuing a ‘big power’/‘super-power’ status for India by more closely collaborating with US imperialism and clamouring for a greater role in international affairs.
In their attempt to transform the country into a strong regional outpost of the US and other imperialist powers, NDA and RSS is a policy of drummed-up big-power chauvinism and expansionism in south-Asia.
They are howling chauvinist barbs against Pakistan and China and are clamouring to expand the fight against ‘Islamic Terror’ by aligning more closely with US-Israeli foreign policy.
Guided by the hegemonic idea of the Hindu Rashtra and Akhand Bharat, they are more aggressively following the expansionist policies of the previous governments, interfering in the internal affairs of the neighbouring countries like Nepal in scant respect for their sovereignty, thereby attracting the wrath of their people.
The all-out Hindutva-fascist attack therefore is becoming unbearable not only for the broad masses of India but also for the people of our neighbouring countries.
In spite of the similarities, however, Hindutva fascism is no Nazism of Hitler’s Germany or fascism of Mussolini’s Italy. The material basis of Hindutva fascism lay in the country’s social conditions and backward production relations.
These production relations principally serve the interests of feudalism and comprador bureaucratic capitalism which are strongly integrated with and depended on the imperialist monopoly capital and are subservient to it.
This results in the type of fascism peculiar to our country and any semi-colonial and semi-feudal countries – comprador-feudal fascism.
As a result, Hindutva-fascism is necessarily weaker and more unstable than its counterparts in capitalist countries. As Dimitrov pointed out, here there can be no question of seeing “the kind of fascism that we are accustomed to see in Germany, Italy and other capitalist countries” (Dimitrov, Seventh Congress of the Comintern, 1935).
Comprador-feudal fascism, by its very comprador nature, is unable to equal the fascism of imperialist countries.
In addition, the oppressive, discriminatory, hierarchical, unscientific, anti-people and reactionary Brahmanical ideology and the rotten Jati-Varna system associated with it has never gone unchallenged in the country.
It has faced unceasing ideological and political and other kinds of resistance including violent resistance from the oppressed and toiling masses from the time of its very inception. Whether Charvakas, Sankhyas and the Buddhists of the ancient times; Ravidas, Kabir and others of the middle ages or Jotiba Phule and Savitribai, Shahuji Maharaj, Dr. Ambedkar, Periyar and several others representing the Dalits, Adivasis, women and revolutionary-democratic forces of the modern period in their own ways took part in this unbroken history of resistance.
The people of the country, supported by the revolutionary and democratic people of the world, are now once again standing on the way of the neo-Brahmanical Hindutva-fascism.
It is not plausible, therefore, to establish the ‘Hindu Rashtra’ of their dreams which would require the transformation of the present semi fascist rule (with thinly-veiled fascist rule in some regions of the country such as parts of Dandakaranya, Bihar-Jharkhand, Jammu & Kashmir and the North East) to a complete and countrywide naked neo-fascist rule.
Indeed, the present unprecedented level of allround Hindutva-fascist attack is facing a broad resistance in the country. Protests against saffron terror and fascization of the state are going on, with more and more people coming out to join their voice.
The widespread indignation against the killing of Prof Kulbargi, Akhlaq and to a lesser extent the judicial murder of Yakub Memon carried forward this anti fascist movement.
Recently, hundreds of writers, artistes, academics, actors, journalists, film-makers and others from the literary, cultural and academic fields have returned government awards in an unparalleled protest against the attacks and growing threat of Hindutva-fascism.
Their opposition to the persecution of minorities, attack on the basic civil and democratic rights including freedom of expression and dissent and attempts to impose control and dictate have snowballed into a veritable avalanche of protest.
A large number of demonstrations, dharnas, meetings etc. are daily being organized across the country. The people of foreign countries too are expressing their condemnation of growing Hindutva-fascism in sharp contrast to the opportunistic whitewashing of the crimes of Modi and his cohorts by their governments.
The recent outburst of anger of the people fighting for Patidar reservation against hated state symbols like Police Stations has shown that even places like Gujarat which were once considered Hindutva strongholds are no longer safe due to the people’s growing frustration and anger. The people will surely make the Hindutva-fascists realize that they constitute only a small minority in the country representing the obsolete forces, the reactionary ruling classes and their henchmen.
The vast majority of the people of the country will neither subscribe to their reactionary ideology, nor will they take the forcible imposition of Hindu majoritarianism lying down. Sooner than later, BJP and the Sangh Parivar will realize that it is no fun to be the flunkeys of imperialism.
MIB unequivocally extends its revolutionary solidarity to all who are part of this common fight – revolutionary, democratic, patriotic and secular forces, workers and peasants, national and religious minorities, Dalits and Adivasis, urban poor and the urban middle class, national bourgeoisie, students, teachers and intellectuals, academics, historians, writers, artistes, actors, advocates, journalists, doctors, scientists, researchers, women, LGBT, differently-able, the old and the young and people from all walks of life who are standing up against Hindutva-fascist enslavement.
Taking inspiration from the experience of the international proletariat and the democratic forces in defeating fascism, we call upon all exploited and oppressed classes, communities, sections and groups to unite to become a mighty force against Brahmanical Hindu-fascism and to wage a protracted struggle to bury it once and for all.
With the understanding that fascism can be completely uprooted only in a revolutionary way and not by revisionist, reformist and parliamentary ways or through electoral ‘victories’ over the BJP, MIB appeals to you all to strengthen the ongoing armed agrarian revolutionary war led by the CPI(Maoist) to establish a genuinely democratic, independent, sovereign and self-reliant people’s republic which will be the real and final graveyard of Hindutva-fascism.