Monthly Archives: January 2015

Three International Days of Actions

Three International Days of Actions



al Days of Actions
anuary 20 1 5
Support the Struggle to
defeat ”0GH 3″‘ Phase” of
the fascist Modi
Free G.N. Saibaba!
Free all political and
people’s prisoners!

Support workers and
people’s struggles against
anti-workers labour laws
imposed in the interest of
the multinational and
Comprador Bureaucratic
Bourgeoisie Companies
Support the People’s War,
a great hope of the Indian
people and all proletarians
and oppressed people in the


– rallies, speeches, graffiti
– actions at the embassies
and other governmental
institutions of India
– Meetings, conferences,
information panels


2015 ජනවාරි 29-30-31ජාත්‍යන්තර සහයෝගිතා දින පෝස්ටරය

2015 ජනවාරි 29-30-31ජාත්‍යන්තර සහයෝගිතා දින සඳහා පෝස්ටරය


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ඉන්දියානු විප්ලවය දිගුකල් දිනේවා!

ඉන්දියානු අරගලය අපේ අරගලයයි! එහි ජයග්‍රහණය අපේ ජයග්‍රහණයයි! එහි පරාජය අපේ පරාජයයි!

මාක්ස්වාදය-ලෙනින්වාදය-මාඕවාදය දිගුකල් දිනේවා!

දිග්ගැස්සුණු මහජන යුද්ධයට සහය පළකරමු!


2015 ජනවාරි 29-30-31ජාත්‍යන්තර සහයෝගිතා ව්‍යාපාරයට ඉහළම සාර්ථකත්වය!

ඉන්දියානු විප්ලවයට සහය දීමේ ජාත්‍යන්තර ව්‍යාපාරයට සක්‍රීයව දායක වීමට ලංකාව පුරා සිටින විප්ලවීය ආත්මයකින් හෙබි ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය කැමති, අප සමග ඍජුව සම්බන්ධකම් ඇති හෝ නැති සියලු ජනතාවට ආයාචනා කරමු!

මාඕවාදී විප්ලවීය ලීගය

Message of the CPI(M) TO CC of the CC of CP(Maoist) Asghanisthan


Communist Party of India (Maoist)
Central Committee
International Department

January 2, 2015
Central Committee,
Communist (Maoist) Party of Afghanistan.
Dear Comrades,

We humbly pay homage to the martyrs of the Afghanistan revolutionary movement, in particular to your Central Committee member comrade Aziz. The sacrifices made by these heroic  proletarian fighters will forever remain a source of inspiration to the people.

The successful completion of the Second Congress of your party is a joyful and inspiring event. On behalf of our Central Committee, the People’s Liberation Guerrilla Army, the Revolutionary People’s Committees and the revolutionary masses we greet you with a resounding Lal Salam on your grand achievement.

The Maoist movement of Afghanistan has a long history. You represent that revolutionary tradition and continue to take it forward. Afghanistan is situated at a key point, connecting Central and South Asia. Politically, it is of immense importance as a warfront against imperialism, particularly US imperialism. This is even more so because the red banners of the international proletariat contest for the vanguard role in this war with religious ideologies that pull the people backward. The success of your party in tackling and resolving this complex situation and victoriously advancing the new democratic revolution will play a very important role in unleashing the revolutionary potential of these regions. We look forward to learning from the lessons summed up in your Congress and wish you all success in advancing along the line it has laid down.

In conclusion, we cherish the internationalist views expressed in your statement hailing the recent advance in the unity of Maoists in our country and enthusiastically reciprocate its warm sentiments.

with revolutionary greetings,
International Department,
Central Committee,
Communist Party of India (Maoist)


Israel, the U.S. and Islamic fundamentalism

Israel, the U.S. and Islamic fundamentalism

19 January 2015. A World to Win News Service. In the wake of the Charlie Hebdo killings in France, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu issued a warning against “a wave of Islamization” sweeping Europe. But an Israeli air strike in Syria only a few days later provided a new and even more dangerous example of how Israel, far from a secular state itself, has deliberately aided Islamic fundamentalists for its own cynical and criminal ends.

On 18 January Israeli guided missiles targeted two vehicles travelling on the Syrian side of the Golan Heights. Among the half dozen or more people killed in this assassination, according to early reports, were the head of the Syrian operations of the Lebanese Shia organization Hezbollah and the top Iranian Revolutionary Guards commander in Syria.

The Israeli airstrike seems to have been meant to strike a hard blow at the Lebanese and Iranian forces playing a key role in the Syrian regime’s battle against the Islamist fundamentalist Jabhat al-Nusra that has been advancing in south-west Syria. The Golan Heights overlook Syria’s capital, Damascus, and al-Nusra’s campaign to seize control there could be a factor in tipping the scales in the currently stalemated Syrian civil war. It would be hard to argue that the Israeli attack had any foreseeable result and therefore aim other than supporting one reactionary side in that civil war, Sunni Islamists, against the reactionary Bashar al-Assad regime.

This is at least the fifth time Israel has launched strikes against the Syrian government since 2013 (Washington Post, 18 January), effectively helping the Islamists who long ago gobbled up almost all other opposition to Assad. In one of these incidents, Israel shot down a Syrian MiG that had been been supporting government forces on the battlefield. U.S. assent for these offensive actions became obvious when the Obama government decided to ignore a well-documented 7 December Israeli air attack on a Damascus international airport facility, allegedly a military warehouse, which certainly would have been denounced as terrorism and an act of war if anyone had similarly attacked Israel’s Ben Gurion airport.

Israel has provided direct support for al-Nusra on the ground. A June 2014 UN report drawn up by UN observers assigned to the Golan Heights describes, among other incidents, numerous Israeli attacks on Syrian government forces during periods of intense fighting between the Syrian army and “armed opposition forces” (in an area where al-Nusra has absorbed the other opposition groups and where the black Islamist flag flies over captured outposts from the Syrian army). UN observers reported seeing Israeli soldiers handing unidentified boxes to fighters on two occasions. On 59 occasions, they saw Israeli soldiers take a total of 89 wounded for medical treatment and then later return most of them to the front lines. (

This Israeli policy was reported in The New York Times (19 January), which said, “Israel has mostly turned a blind eye toward the Qaeda-affiliated insurgents battling the Syrian government near the border… Israeli hospitals have even treated United States-backed Syrian insurgents who have been allowed to cross the border, including from groups that have sometimes cooperated on the battlefield with those Qaeda-affiliated fighters.”

Only three days before the Israeli airstrike, Hassan Nasrallah, the head of the Shia Islamist Hezbollah, made two points in a television interview. One was a warning to Israel not to break the de facto cease-fire on the Lebanese and Syrian borders. Although Hezbollah has claimed legitimacy from Lebanese Shias and others as a representative of resistance to repeated Israeli aggression, including the 2006 Israeli invasion that killed more than a thousand Lebanese, mainly civilians, its main objective is its own religious rule and not freeing Palestine.

Nasrallah’s other point was to repeat earlier offers of a “political solution” to Syria’s civil war in which Assad would agree to step down. Israel’s political goal in supporting Islamists forces in Syria has been meant to prevent or delay an end to that civil war.

While Israel has its own interests, this aim is consistent with U.S. goals and actions in Syria until now. Although the U.S. may have had illusions about bringing a compliant regime to power a few years ago, it seems to have considered Syria’s destruction as the next best thing. Even the idea of an eventual “political settlement” being floated around now has been contingent on first weakening Assad, making sure that enough damage is done so that the U.S. can more fully dominate whatever future regime may emerge. The U.S. and Israel have actively worked to fuel the horrendous civil war with no regard for the hundreds of thousands of dead and the millions of refugees.

It is not true, as many people believe, that the rise of Islamic fundamentalism can be attributed chiefly to the conscious efforts and policies of the U.S. and Israel, its reliable Middle Eastern outpost. Although such a simplification has appeal for many Middle Eastern people and others cruelly confronted with both U.S. domination and Islamic fundamentalism, a little hard thinking  makes it clear that the social and ideological factors driving the clash between Western (and chiefly U.S.) imperialism and Islamist reactionaries are beyond anyone’s control. But the U.S., acting on its own and often through the Israeli secret services, did a great deal to encourage the rise of Islamism when they thought it was in their interests, and they do not hesitate to do so now for the same reasons. (See The Devil’s Game, How the United States Unleashed Islamic Fundamentalism, by Robert Dreyfuss, Metropolitan Books, New York, 2005).

In fact, the main way the U.S. aids Islamism is by its brutal attempts to control the Middle East, including American backing for Zionist rule over Palestine, and presenting that as the only alternative to Islamic fundamentalism, thus echoing and giving aid and comfort to Islamism’s claims that it is the only alternative to Western and Zionist domination.

This latest Israeli attack illustrates what we all need to know: that any strengthening of either of these inhuman monsters, the Islamic fundamentalist forces or the U.S.-led forces, reinforces both sides in a dynamic that is extremely harmful for the people of the region (above all) and the world. That is what Israel is doing, with U.S. backing, and that is what it should be condemned for.

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France: A monstrous massacre, a dangerous”national unity” and a possible alternative

France: A monstrous massacre, a dangerous”national unity” and a possible alternative

14 January 2015. A World to Win News Service. The monstrous massacre of the Charlie Hebdo magazine staff by Islamic fundamentalists, like the wanton murder of four hostages at a kosher supermarket two days later, rightly shocked many millions of people. Much of France seems to be united by the slogan “Je suis Charlie” (I am Charlie). But these words are being used by different classes with different and opposed interests. They cover very different perspectives on what happened and what should happen now.

In the hours following the massacre and on the following nights many thousands of middle class young people and others gathered to express their stunned outrage and comfort each other. Whether they had ever read the magazine or not, they carried signs saying “Je suis Charlie” to express solidarity with what they viewed as a symbol of a critical spirit they wanted to defend. They also chanted “Pas d’amalgame” (Don’t mix things up), meaning don’t use this to attack Muslims in general. The strong fear that it would – and that the future would be much worse than the present – heightened the tragic atmosphere.

But regardless of these concerns, the official response has had nothing to do with defending freedom of expression or any other kind of real freedom. President Francois Hollande staged two major public ceremonies following the Islamist attacks. One was a symbolic march from Place de la Republique in which 44 heads of state and government, the people in charge of perpetrating and maintaining the intolerable world order, literally walked arm in arm. The other was to award the highest rank in the Legion of Honour to the three police killed in the attacks.

France’s moment of national unity comes down to this: more than a million people marched behind the procession of the world’s rulers and their associates and flunkies at Paris’s Place de la Republique. And in an extremely unusual phenomenon in France, said to be unique at that square best known for protests, people spontaneously and repeatedly applauded the police.

In the name of defending democracy against Islamism, parliament immediately voted to reaffirm French participation in the U.S.-led war in Iraq and the mission of the country’s 3,000 troops sent to re-establish French authority in its former colonies in west Africa. Leading politicians also united on the need to step up surveillance and control throughout society, establish France’s own vast databases on everyone instead of relying on the U.S., and vigorously police the Internet and public speech. “In France, certain positions are not an opinion – they are a crime,” warned Prime Minister Manuel Valls. He proclaimed that there will be a “before and after” the 7 January attack.

Between 9-13 January, at least six people were arrested, immediately tried under special procedures and sentenced to prison terms ranging from three months to four years for “public apology for terrorist act”. None were accused of any connection with jihadi groups or violent acts. Five were convicted of mouthing off to police while getting a ticket and/or in a state of extreme drunkenness, and one for comments on his Facebook page. It has been announced that police and prosecutors will pay special attention to rap videos, because they often express the kind of “hate speech” to be banned – hatred for the police and the unjust social order the police enforce. The police specialize in making life hell for youth in the country’s public housing ghettos long before Islamism (movements for an Islamic state) was very influential there, and the repression of this “dangerous class” has come to the top of the government’s agenda.

A large section of France’s lower classes (although far from all), and the most politically and socially oppressed, are the children of people from French colonies brought to work in the country’s assembly plants, construction sites and service industries. Because France has little or nothing to offer these youth but life-wasting unemployment punctuated by demeaning jobs, their very existence is considered a problem. Any impulse among them that could get out of control is considered a serious threat to the social order they are at the bottom of.

Today’ global collision between Western imperialism and Islamic fundamentalism is conditioning developments in these ghettos. Just as Islamism has wrongly come to be seen as a challenge to all that France and the West have inflicted on Africa and the Middle East, many French people whose origins lie in those countries (and even converts from among the poor of other origins) have wrongly come to see a reactionary, anti-people Islamic fundamentalism as a solution to the humiliation and misery inflicted upon them.

The concept of secularism (separation of church and state) arose out of the needs of the French bourgeoisie in its revolution against the feudal monarchy and a century of political battles against the Catholic Church, the chief representative of remnants of the old order. But in the mouths of the French ruling class today, it is little more than a code word for anti-Islamism, which in turn is driven not by disdain for religion but for the people who hold a particular set of religious beliefs, as if their religion were a sign of their inferiority and therefore a justification for their exclusion from certain privileges and their place in society. This is closely linked to France’s role in the broader Western imperialist effort to solidify control over the peoples and countries in the Middle East and North Africa where Islamic fundamentalism has been a major source of contention and opposition. It is not surprising that attacks on Islam are often seen as
not a purely religious question, but as an attack on people’s identity and dignity as human beings.

Now even pro-government Muslims and Islamic organizations are being asked to take a public stand against terrorism, at least that kind of terrorism that France’s ruling circles oppose. All are to be considered guilty unless they acknowledge their acquiescence to the French power structure and its so-called “values”. In contrast, it would be considered racist to demand that French Jews – as Jews – take a public position against Israeli state terrorism in exchange for their right to practice their religion and hold to their religious and ethnic identity.

Those who warn that the massacres will “feed the ambitions of the far right” are not wrong, but the necessities faced by French imperialism overall should also be taken into account. The conditions that help foster the rise of Islamic fundamentalism have been created by the workings of monopoly capital itself, in France and globally, and will not go away. Everything French imperialism has done in the name of combating Islamism, from repression at home to foreign invasions in partnership and competition with the U.S., has only exacerbated that dynamic. In this situation, it is not just the fascist enemies of the republican form of bourgeois rule who are alarmed by the “softness” of France’s middle classes and determined to shake them out of their passivity and make them more active accomplices for French imperialism.

In a way, the attack on Charlie Hebdo and the supermarket slaughter could be considered a godsend for the French ruling class. These events have galvanized much of its squabbling ranks and called them to attention, served as a pretext for ratcheting up long-standing repression and foreign invasions, and above all, enabled it to bring a far broader section of the middle classes into greater support for its reactionary projects. No matter what many people may think “national unity” means right now – whether free speech, no exclusion of minorities, defence of secularism or even a “republican unity” against the fascist right – in reality it means rallying around a system and state – and its armed enforcers at home and abroad – that causes terrible suffering around the world and in France itself.

The attack on Charlie Hebdo is being called the equivalent of 11 September 2001 in the U.S., both by people who fear that France will follow the American example and those who believe that France’s ambitions require catching up in repression and foreign aggression. But things have not worked out well for the U.S. since then. Defiant resistance and revolutionary work there has proved to be a major mood-creating factor in the development of events, especially insofar as a more positive dynamic between the most oppressed and some of the middle classes has begun to emerge.

The polarisation of the population in France today is very unfavourable. The most oppressed are effectively surrounded. The middle classes, with some exceptions, are now generally inclined to look to the state for the solution to their fears and unease. The status quo is little loved, yet opposition to it has been left to contending Islamic and Catholic fundamentalists, and fascists, all united in the view that women’s submission is the keystone for the society they want. But the possibility for a different and far more favourable kind of polarization can also be glimpsed in today’s situation.

An increasing number of people in France “have come to believe that the lives their parents had to lead are not worthy of living,” a commentator wrote. Neither France’s capitalist “values” and institutions nor any kind of religious fundamentalism can offer a real way out of the oppression and degradation that imprison people at the bottom of society and actually make a liberating life possible for the broad majority. A vision of a different kind of society and a plan for getting it that represented something real could become an increasingly powerful alternative. A movement whose goal is the emancipation of humanity, with the oppressed among those at the forefront, could start to break away a huge section of the middle classes who are now saying “I am Charlie” from the grip of the ruling class and open the way to much more positive and liberating perspectives.

(Based in part on a report from a reader in France.)
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