Category Archives: ICSPWI

අජිත් සහෝදරයා නිදහස් කෙරේ!

අජිත් සහෝදරයා නිදහස් කෙරේ!

 

කොන්නාත් මුර්ලිදරන් නොහොත් අජිත් සහෝදරයා නිදහස් කිරීම ඉන්දියාවේ මාධ්‍ය මගින් වාර්තා කරන ලදි. 66 හැවිරිදි සුප‍්‍රකට මාඕවාදී නායකයෙකු හා න්‍යායාචාර්යවරයෙකු වන ඔහු 2015 වසරේදී ත‍්‍රස්ත-විරෝධී පනත යටතේ අත් අඩංගුවට ගනු ලැබිණි. අජිත් සහෝදරයා නිදහස් කර ගැනීමේ සතුට සමරමින්…

 

Ajith released – we await confirm – PCm Italy declaration

Ajith released – we await confirm – PCm Italy declaration

[https://maoistroad.blogspot.com/2019/07/ajith-released-we-await-confirm-pcm.html]
Konnath Muraleedharan, nom de guerre Ajith, leader of the Communist Party of India (Maoist), in prison since 2015 along with comrade Ismail Hamza, and for all political prisoners in India.

Ajith was captured while he was under care for complicated heart diseases.
Since his capture, calls have multiplied in the world to defend his health and obtain his release. Along with revolutionaries of every continent, many human rights organizations and groups for the defense of and political prisoners joined such calls as well as and world-renowned personalities of cultural and social life.
On February 25th, the High Court of Mumbay granted bail for hum, but suspended this decision, to give his persecutors time to prepare the appeal.
Comrade Ajith was jailed for imputation related to the infamous UAPA, a draconian law whose the most consistent democratic sectors have been demanding repeal for years.
The only crime committed by comrade Ajith is to have devoted his whole life to the tireless struggle against oppression. Class oppression, caste oppression, gender oppression, national oppression, against the imperialist oppression that generates them all and for the revolution and social justice.
Yes! Comrade Ajith did all this, he dedicated his life to the relentless struggle against the system that exploits, oppresses, crushes and sucks the blood of hundreds of millions of damned on the earth!
Comrade Ajith is a great internationalist who has always worked to unite the communists of the whole world in a single world organization, first by engaging in the struggle to raise the unity and ideological and political line of the RIM, then, after its collapse, continuously striving for a second step, to give the world proletariat a new international organization based on MLM and the struggle against revisionist positions that had liquidated the MRI.
 
Comrade Ajith worked for the unity of the proletarians of the imperialist countries with the oppressed peoples in the countries oppressed by imperialism, against any equivocal position of “imperialist internationalism”, or “Third Worldism”, giving an important contribution with his theoretical work with which analyzed in depth the reality of classes, castes, class sectors in a sub-continent such as India, but also by turning its attention to the struggles of the world proletariat and to the analysis of contemporary trends of the imperialist system, states and governments.
Throughout his life Comrade Ajith worked for the unity of the communists in India in a single party, since the end of the 80s, when he opposes, resists and finally defeats the opportunist line prevailing in the leadership of his own party, until the successful conclusion, in 2014, of the merger process of the PCI (ML) [Naxalbari] of which he was secretary with the PCI (Maoist). Ajith’s work gave an important contribution both practical terms, to advance and extend of the people’s war, as well in theory and ideology, to develop the strategy and tactics that will lead the people’s war to victory.
 
Comrade Ajith has always worked against the tendency to imperialist war, in support of liberation struggles and proletarian struggles against fascism and imperialism, both in the oppressed countries and in the imperialist countries, always pointing out precisely who are the true and false friends of these struggles and on which line we have to delimit our field.
Comrade Ajith is a great Marxist-Leninist-Maoist theorist who has always fought revisionism, opportunism and child extremism in the communist movement around the world. Exemplary are his criticism of Avakianism and the acute analysis of the process that interrupted the revolution in Nepal, and the ground for revisionist degeneration.
Comrade Ajith has always strongly supported, since the very beginning, the constitution and construction of the Communist Party in Italy and us Italian Maoists. He never made us miss his support and precious indications.
Freedom for  Ajith and all political prisoners in India!
Long live people’s war
Long live proletarian internationalism
Long live the world proletarian revolution
Laal salam!

India news – Ajith released from Pune jail

India news – Ajith released from Pune jail

[]https://maoistroad.blogspot.com/2019/07/india-news-ajith-released-from-pune-jail.html
Pune: Alleged Maoist sympathiser Konnath Muralidharan (Comrade Ajith), arrested near Pune in 2015, walked out of the Yerawada central jail here on Tuesday –– two months after the Supreme Court dismissed the Maharashtra government’s plea challenging the bail granted to him by the Bombay High Court in February.
Muralidharan’s release was held up owing to a verification process as the person who furnished a solvent surety on his behalf hailed from Kerala. The Pune court had sent the relevant documents to Kerala for confirming veracity of the same.
His lawyer Rahul Deshmukh told TOI, “Muralidharan was released around 5.30pm on Tuesday from the Yerawada jail after all bail formalities, including verification of his solvent surety, were completed. He executed the bail bond and other relevant papers.”
The Pune unit of the state anti-terrorism squad (ATS) had arrested Muralidharan and one of his aides from their hideout at Talegaon near Pune on May 8, 2015. The ATS then claimed to have seized objectionable material of the banned CPI (Maoist) organization, a forged PAN card, a merger declaration of the CPI (Maoist) and the CPI (Maoist/Leninist) Naxalbari and various electronic devices.
A special UAPA court in Pune had rejected his bail plea in September 2016.ource: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/kochi/maoist-sympathiser-released-from-pune-jail/articleshow/70353220.cms

Naxal attack in Gadchiroli leaves 15 security personnel dead

Naxal attack in Gadchiroli leaves 15 security personnel dead

[https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/defence/possible-naxal-attack-in-gadchiroli-leaves-several-security-personnel-injured/articleshow/69127641.cms]

MUMBAI: Barely 10 ten hours after 27 vehicles were allegedly torched by Maoists near Dadapur village in north Gadchiroli, a reinforcement party of the Quick Response Team (QRT) of the Kurkheda police travelling to Purada (the police station under whose jurisdiction the arson incident was reported) was attacked in a landmine blast.

All the 15 men and the driver of the private vehicle engaged by the police were killed in the blast, carried out by an Improvised Explosive Device (IED).

While the police said the standard operating procedure (SOP) in sensitive zones keep changing and is tweaked as per requirement, the reason as to why the QRT party didn’t take a road opening party (ROP) will be inquired into. Some lapses like not using an armoured vehicle and not pressing two private vehicles while ferrying personnel were also noticed.

The IED blast occurred around 12.30 pm on Wednesday near Lendhri area, a few kilometre from Kurkheda in north Gadchiroli.

Earlier, around 2 am on Wednesday, 27 vehicles including cement mixers, dumpers and trucks belonging to Amar Infrastructures Ltd, used for the construction of the Purada-Yerkad sector of National Highway-136, were torched near Dadapur in Purada village. Police said the QRT was sent to Purada as reinforcement. Many of the QRT men were tribal youth from the adjoining areas.

“This was a case of a classic trap deployed by Maoists. First, use arson to force the police to send reinforcement and then attack the reinforcement party by placing landmine blasts. Ideally, in such cases, an ROP is a must. It is a golden rule. However, in this case, it wasn’t pressed. This shows that it was a case of poor planning,” said a former senior IPS officer.

“Also, the SOP clearly states that reinforcement should not be sent as a knee-jerk reaction and that the details of the route taken by the police party is only with the unit commander. The fact that the blast took place on a busy tar road on which many vehicles would have had to ply before the incident reveals that the attackers had specific information of the time and the vehicle details in which the QRT party was travelling,” he said.

“The accused would have sat in ambush and triggered the IED when the vehicle reached the designated spot. In an ordinary Maoist attack, a landmine blast is followed by an exchange of fire. But, in this case, since there was specific input, the latter wasn’t required… This only indicates that somebody from within had leaked the information on the movement of the men,” the official said.

Speaking to the press, DGP Subodh Jaiswal said the Maharashtra police will give a fitting response to the attack and, if need be, even carry out cross-border strikes.

The incident comes at a time when Maoists are observing a week-long protest to mark the first death anniversary of 40 of their comrades who were killed by security forces last year in two separate encounters in Gadchiroli district.

While the Kasanasur encounter was a joint operation of the C-60 commandos and battalion 9 of the CRPF, the Rajaram encounter was carried out by the C-60 commandos.

ඉන්දියාවේ සියළු දේශපාලන සිරකරුවන් නිදහස් කරනු – අජිත් නිදහස් කරගැනීමේ ව්‍යාපාරය නොනවත්වනු!

ඉන්දියාවේ සියළු දේශපාලන සිරකරුවන් නිදහස් කරනු – අජිත් නිදහස් කරගැනීමේ ව්‍යාපාරය නොනවත්වනු!

 

රෝමය, ඉන්දියානු මහ කොමසාරිස් කාර්යාලය අජිත් නිදහස් කරනු! ඉන්දියානු මාඕවාදී කොමියුනිස්ට් පක්ෂයේ විප්ලවීය බුද්ධිමතෙකු වීම අපරාධයක් නොවේ! ඉන්දීය ජනතාවට සහ නක්සල්වාදී විප්ලවයට වසර 40 ක් සේවය කළ, අජිත් වහා නිදහස් කළ යුතුය!

රෝමය: ඉන්දියානු දේශපාලන සිරකරුවන්ට නිදහස! ඉන්දියාවේ කම්කරු අරගලය සමග සහයෝගීතාවය! හරිත දඩයම් මෙහෙයුම නවනත්වනු.

රෝමය, ඉන්දියානු එම්බසිය, ජාත්‍යන්තරවාදී මාඕවාදී, අජිත් වහා නිදහස් කරනු!


රෝමය

රෝමය, MFPR බැනරය

රෝමය

 

New General Secretary of CPI Maoist May Initiate Fresh PLGA Offensives

New General Secretary of CPI Maoist May Initiate Fresh PLGA Offensives

An important development that could lead to a perceptible change in the course of revolutionary movement in India went literally unnoticed as the ultra-secret CPI (Maoist) party managed to keep the leadership change under wraps for over 20 months.

Maoist party spokesman Abhay announced that Muppala Laxmana Rao aka Ganapathy had stepped down as the general secretary of CPI (Maoist) and that Namballa Kesava Rao known as Baswaraj was elected to head the revolutionary party on November 10. This confirmation came exactly five days after Telangana Today broke the news on November 5. Abhay had issued a two-page press release in different languages confirming that Baswaraj had replaced Ganapathy.

The CPI (Maoist), which continues to wage a protracted armed struggle to achieve New Democratic Revolution (NDR) in India, maintains utmost secrecy, apparently to hoodwink the tech-assisted spy agencies and the well-equipped security forces and save its leadership. The sudden revelation took the agencies by surprise as Abhay carefully cloaked this nugget of information in the praise showered on Ganapathy for his excellent leadership qualities that enabled the revolutionary party to survive the most difficult times as security forces waged a literal war against the underground cadre in well-coordinated military actions while reclaiming control over large swathes of hinterlands from the Maoist stranglehold.

Replacing Ganapathy

The press release maintained that “in the period of 25 years from 1992 to 2017, Ganapathy performed his responsibilities as the General Secretary…(sic)”  threw light on how the senior most naxalite leader was replaced.  The press note also mentions that the fifth meeting of the Central Committee discussed the proposal of Ganapathy to step down and after accepting the proposal had decided to elect Baswaraj to the post of general secretary.

It was in this line, the Maoist party discloses the leadership change happening in February 2017, as agencies have learnt through several Maoist documents that the fifth Central Committee meeting was held in February of 2017. Interestingly, various documents seized by security agencies across the country spoke of the status of the revolutionary movement in India but did not mention Ganapathy being replaced. There was, however, a detailed discussion recorded on using the services of ‘veteran comrades’. A 30-page document on the decisions taken at the February meeting recalled that an earlier CC meeting held in 2013 felt that the committee must take a stand on the ageing leadership.

Incidentally, the CC meeting was held only after a gap of four years and in 2017, it decided to “call upon the veterans” to voluntarily come forth relinquishing the responsibilities so that younger leaders could take over the reins of the party. The expertise of veterans, the CC decided, should be used in different ways and that the party must take care of those leaders too.

It was in this spirit, Ganapathy seems to have offered to step down from the post of general secretary and his colleagues opted to make Namballa Keshava Rao alias Baswaraj as the new general secretary. Keshava Rao hails from Jiyannapet village of Srikakulam district and was a student of Regional Engineering College (REC) in Warangal (now christened as NIT-Warangal). Known to be extremely tech-savvy and equally strong in his ideological commitment and military craft, Keshava Rao was heading the Central Military Commission (CMC) of the CPI (Maoist), while also continuing as member of the Central Committee and the politbureau.

Old And Ailing

Interestingly, what is left unsaid in the press release or in the CC documents is that many of the senior leaders in the 19-member-strong CC are suffering from different ailments. Ganapathy, aged about 68 years, is believed to be suffering from knee problems apart from being a diabetic patient. So is the case with Kishan Da (Prashanth Bose) who is suffering from diabetes and age-related issues. Another senior leader Katakam Sudershan (Anand) is stated to be suffering from dental and knee problems. Akkiraju Haragopal alias Ramakrishna or Saketh, Chandranna (Pulluri Prasada Rao),  Sonu alias Abhay and  Ravula Srinivas (Ramanna) were stated to be fit and not suffering from any ailments.

Impact of Leadership Change

So how does the leadership change impact the revolutionary movement in India? This is the question that has been engaging the attention of the analysts among the security forces. Knowing the propensity of the new Chief of Maoist and his capabilities military-wise, it is anticipated that the Maoist cadres would intensify military attacks in their strongholds. Currently, the naxalite movement in the country is in its worst phase with security forces gaining an upper hand and reclaiming areas in hinterlands from the Maoist control. The revolutionary party has also admitted that it had not succeeded in spreading the revolutionary fervour and activity to newer areas, more so in urban areas while its strongholds have been shrinking.

Different sections of society such as students, workers, adivasis and the underprivileged sections who extended complete support have been distancing themselves from the naxalite movement, which is now confined to pockets in Dandakaranya forests falling in southern Chhattisgarh, parts of Maharashtra, Odisha, Jharkhand, Bihar, West Bengal, Madhya Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh and some other border areas of Tamil Nadu, Karnataka and Kerala.

Accelerated Violence

Most of the Maoist ideologues have always firmly believed in the theory that it is necessary for the revolutionaries to launch an intensified Tactical Counter Offensive Campaign (TCOC) when the state repression is very high. Intensified TCOC in Maoist parlance would mean accelerated violence in different forms to blunt the initiative of the security forces through ambushes and attacks and targeted killings of political leaders to neutralise the political initiative to take on the Maoist movement.  Only such intensified TCOC would provide space for the revolutionary movement to grow is the general argument of the ideologues.

They take the example of Alipiri attack on Chandrababu Naidu, then Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh, in 2003. The claymore mine attack on Naidu — when repression was extremely severe — had changed the political course in Andhra Pradesh. Naidu had called for polls immediately after the attack hoping that he would ride on a sympathy wave but the Congress led by YS Rajasekhara Reddy romped home to power after promising to hold negotiations with the Maoist party. The lull in the anti-extremist operations because of the changed political scenario and the assertions that there should be talks with the Maoists was used effectively by the beleaguered revolutionary party to reorganise itself and perhaps reorient itself too.

In this interregnum, the top leadership of  CPI-ML (People’s War) mooted the idea of merging with  the Maoist Communist Centre of India (MCCI) and the biggest unification of revolutionary forces in India took place in 2004 when both the parties merged to form the current CPI (Maoist). The net result was that the Maoist rebels established their presence very effectively in different States and scaled up their activities so much that former Prime Minister Manmohan Singh had to describe the Maoist activity as the biggest challenge to the internal security of India.

Strategies and Tactics

And now, Baswaraj, security analysts say, is a strong votary of this theory of launching an intensified TCOC to blunt the counter-insurgency initiatives. Going by his background and his proven record of leading the military commission and thereby leading the People’s Liberation Guerrilla Army (PLGA), the possibility of India witnessing more violence cannot be ruled out. The killing of Kidari Sarveswara Rao, a tribal legislator in Andhra Pradesh and a former legislator, recently in Araku and the sudden spike in ambushes against the security forces in Chhattisgarh could point to this direction. Another interesting angle to the leadership change issue is why didn’t the CPI (Maoist) announce it immediately. Another Maoist leader from the Telangana State Committee maintained recently that his party would announce the changes only to some level as it would not like to expose its leaders to dangers from the security forces.

It is not yet clear as to what strategies and tactics would Baswaraj employ to rejuvenate the rank and file of the rebel party. Would he lay more emphasis on military actions without taking a critical look at the same old strategies and tactics in the changing scenario at political, social and economic levels in India? We have to wait and watch.

ජාක්හෑන්ඩ් වල මාඕවාදීන්ගේ බිම් බෝම්බ ප‍්‍රහාරයකින් ජගුවර් බල ඇණියේ ජවානාස් සෙබලූ 6ක් මරුට

ජාක්හෑන්ඩ් වල මාඕවාදීන්ගේ බිම් බෝම්බ ප‍්‍රහාරයකින් ජගුවර් බල ඇණියේ ජවානාස් සෙබලූ 6ක් මරුට

අඟහරුවාදා දිනයේ කාර්වතී හිදී බිම්බෝම්බයක් පිපිරීමෙන් ජගුවර් බලඇණියේ ජවානාස් සොල්දාදුවන් 6 දෙනෙකු මිය ගොස් තිබේ. කිහිප දෙනෙකු තුවාල ලද අතර පිපිරීම නිසා සොල්දාදුවන් 6 දෙනෙකු මරණයට පත්වී ඇති බව වාර්තා වේ. ජාතික මාධ්‍ය වාර්තාවලට අනුව, පිපිරීම සිදුව ඇත්තේ මාඕවාදීන් සොයා පිරික්සුමක් සිදු කරන අතරතුරදීය. මාඕවාදීන්ට එරෙහි යුද්ධයේදී ජගුවර් යනු විශේෂයෙන් පුහුණු කරන ලද ඒකකයකි.

In Italy, from North to South, solidarity tour with the People’s War in India has started!

In Italy, from North to South, solidarity tour with the

People’s War in India has started!

Saturday, June 9, 2018

[https://maoistroad.blogspot.com/2018/06/in-italy-from-north-to-south-solidarity.html]

“Massacres and repression against Maoists and population by the hindu-fascist government at the service of imperialism”
“Proletarian and Internationalist Solidarity!”
“Solidarity Committee with Indian People’s War”
Freedom for Indian Political Prisoners
Solidarity with workers’ struggles in India
Stop “Green Hunt”

Palermo, proletarians in struggle supporting the Peopels’s War:

Source: ICSPW India

නීති විරෝධී අත් අඩංගුවට ගැනීම් වලට එරෙහිව ඉන්දියාවේ විරෝධතාවයන්

නීති විරෝධී අත් අඩංගුවට ගැනීම් වලට එරෙහිව ඉන්දියාවේ විරෝධතාවයන්

India – Varavara Rao Speaks Out: Expand The People’s War To Fight Brahmanical Hindu Fascism And Advance The New Democratic Revolution

India – Varavara Rao Speaks Out: Expand The People’s War To Fight Brahmanical Hindu Fascism And Advance The New Democratic Revolution

The killings of Mohammad Akhlaq, Prof. M M Kalburgi and Yakub Memon have come to symbolize in many ways the prevailing situation in the country under Modi-led BJP-rule. Akhlaq was bludgeoned to death at his Dadri home in September by a lynch mob that was instigated, mobilized and led by a bunch of Sanghi goons after maliciously spreading the rumour of beef-eating.

Prof. Kulbargi was shot dead by unidentified Hindutva-fascist assassins because of his consistent and irrepressible opposition to their designs in Karnataka. Memon was hanged this July in Nagpur jail after his conviction in the 1993 Mumbai blasts in a travesty of justice.
For the self-appointed gendarmes of the ‘Hindu Rashtra’, to eat something of one’s choice is anti-national, to voice dissent is anti-national, to be even the brother of a Muslim who is accused of so-called anti-national activities is anti-national – ‘crimes’ that are punishable by death according to the Manuvadi Hindutva-fascists.
Whether the execution is actually carried out judicially by the state or by any of the numerous murderous gangs raised by the hydra-headed RSS – it makes little different to the person at the receiving end.
These killings (and of Govind Phansade and Narendra Dabholkar earlier) are but a few of the more talked-about incidents in what has become an incessant barrage of attacks carried out in many forms by the Hindutva-fascists across the country.
Particularly since the BJP government came to power, such attacks are taking place almost on a daily basis. Though termed by some as ‘intolerance’, this is part of an all-round attack by the Brahmanical Hindu fascist forces against the people and affecting all spheres of their lives.
These attacks are simultaneously ideological, political, social, religious, ethnic, economic, cultural, juridical and environmental – carried out with violent and non-violent, legal and illegal, constitutional and extra-constitutional means.
On their target are all kinds of dissent and non submissiveness, particularly the fighting organizations and individuals – revolutionary, democratic, secular and patriotic – as well as Muslims and Christians, Dalits and Adivasis, women and people of other oppressed genders, oppressed nationalities and even sections of the parliamentary opposition.
In fact, anyone who refuses to fall in line with their Hindutva agenda or opposes their fascist diktats is a potential target. Indeed, at a time like this when the assault of he Hindutva-fascists is becoming increasingly conspicuous in all spheres of the society and the state, one cannot be faulted for wondering if a vast section of our people are already made to live in the shadows of a veritable ‘Hindu Rashtra’.
Hindu-fascism, even with its specificities, shares many characteristics of the fascisms that emerged in the capitalist countries during the economic, social and political crises period of the the1930s, the Great Depression and the interval between the two inter imperialist World Wars.
Like Italian fascism and German Nazism, Hindutva too is a phenomenon of the era of imperialism and proletarian revolution, emerging along right-wing or fascist parties, institutions, armed detachments and gangs in the capitalist imperialist countries with or without a parliamentary democratic cover. Fascism raised its head when at its highest stage, capitalism had entered a period of general crisis and socialism emerged as a real alternative before the world people with the victory of Bolshevik Revolution.
The role of Italian, German, Japanese and other fascist movements of that time was to address this existential threat faced by the imperialist ruling classes of their respective countries.
It was the political offensive of the bourgeoisie against the proletariat to come out of its severe economic and political crises. They pursued a domestic policy of open terrorist rule and a foreign policy of aggression and wars.
Domestically, the main enemy of the fascists was the organizations and movements of workers and toiling masses, revolutionary proletarian parties and organizations along with other democratic classes and national minorities, migrants, while internationally, its prime target was the socialist camp led by the Soviet Union along with the national liberation movements of the colonies and semi-colonies.
They waged counter-revolutionary wars against communist and democratic forces all over the world until revolutionary and national liberation wars finally consigned them to their graves.
But Hindutva – the ‘Made in India’ variety of fascism – not only escaped the fate of its European and Japanese contemporaries but has in fact thrived during the last hundred years of its existence. Hindutva fuses elements of India’s caste-feudalism (such as its reactionary Brahmanical ideology and deep-rooted notion of inborn superiority, etc.) with those modern bourgeois concepts (like the nation, Aryan Race theory of colonial-Orientalist scholars and their communal formulation of Indian history, and so on) that suit the interests of the Indian comprador ruling classes and the obsolete social institutions and forces.
It falsifies history to invent a glorious past of the ‘Hindu nation’, unmindful of the fact that neither a religious community called the ‘Hindu’ nor a nation called the ‘Indian’ existed prior to British conquest of the subcontinent.
The brainchild of the early Hindutva proponents is the neo-Brahmanical reactionary utopia of the ‘Hindu Rashtra’ (nation), which the Hindutva fascists project back as the country’s ‘glorious’ past and hold up as the ideal for the country’s glorious future.
They seek to impose this fascist ideology on both Hindus and non-Hindus and all social communities, sections and classes who do not agree with their communal conception of society and history.
While Muslims and Christians are seen as aliens to be either assimilated, kept in line or suppressed, the Sikhs, Buddhists, Dalits and Adivasis are considered to be already Hindus and are included in the ‘Hindu nation’ against their will.
The hierarchical, hegemonic and chauvinist Hindutva ideology, culture and values are imposed on all of them by suppressing, controlling or co-opting their diverse cultures, languages, beliefs and customs.
This fascist ideology of Hindutva is also reflected in the organizational structure of Hindu-fascist organization. RSS, Hindu Mahasabha etc. that were established in the early 1920s are highly authoritarian and allows no disagreement with the leaders.
The command of the Sarsanghchalak is the last word in RSS and is accepted without question. From its inception, Hindutva forces received support and patronage of the big landlords and the comprador big bourgeoisie as its reactionary ideology and authoritarian organizational structure was a useful tool for their economic and political interests.
They were also subservient to the British colonial rulers, calling upon the people to struggle for ‘national regeneration’ at a time when all the anti-colonial, democratic and patriotic forces were engaged in the independence struggle (Savarkar glorified colonialism by writing that “the glory of the British empire is great” (V D Savarkar, Hindutva, p.85, 166); Golwalkar expressed his disdain for national independence by terming it as “that haphazard bundle of political rights” (M S Golwalkar, We or Our Nationhood Defined, p.7).
True to their comprador character, Hindutva fascists continue to commemorate collaborators and traitors as heroes like Savarkar while denouncing genuine nationalists and patriots like Tipu Sultan.
Hindutva-fascist forces stand for conciliation of antagonistic classes to prevent the development of class consciousness among the toilers and an intensification of the organized class struggle.
For instance, RSS had written to PM Nehru way back in 1948, “Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh’s is the only way to meet the challenge of communism and its is the only ideology which can harmonize and integrate the interests of different groups and classes and thus successfully avoid any class-war” (Letter by RSS office-bearers to PM Nehru, published in Organizer, 23 October 1948). They make use of the traditional adaptability of Hinduism to social change by preserving, protecting and strengthening all its reactionary aspects in the service of the ruling classes – be it the colonial rulers or the Indian ruling elite subservient to imperialism which took their place.
They bolster the joint dictatorship of the big landlords big comprador capitalists by suppressing the democratic classes, whipping up communal and national chauvinism, persecuting religious minorities and oppressing minority nationalities, Dalits, Adivasis and women.
Ideologically, the metaphysical, idealist and subjective Hindutva world-outlook is a die-hard opponent of all forms of scientific, materialist, rational, objective and dialectical approach to understand and change the world – most of all the Marxist approach of scientific socialism and dialectical and historical materialism.
Ideological-political indoctrination, social demagogy, national and religious chauvinism, Goebbelsian propaganda, co=option and buying-out – i.e., all means fair and foul are part of their arsenal to win over one section of the broad masses and to terrorize others.
They fully utilize the gullibility, backwardness, ignorance and contradictions among the broad masses as well as the reactionary aspects in people’s culture and social values rooted in the country’s semi-colonial semi-feudal system.
They constantly engage in lies, deception, hypocrisy and subterfuge to manipulate public opinion and to hoodwink, mislead and divide the masses – often doing the opposite of what they say and saying in  complete contrast to what they do.
They use the products of modern science and technology to enslave the masses and achieve their reactionary social, economic, political and cultural goals.
Hindutva-fascism has adapted itself to the changing conditions and utilized all available forms to spread its most deceitful, deceptive and bloody tentacles. Contrary to its ideology and stated goals, it pledged itself to non-violent means, declared adherence to the Indian Constitution and presented itself as a mere cultural organisation (as did RSS after Gandhi’s assassination to get its ban revoked) – but it does not conform to them in practice.
Like its Nazi counterpart, it has utilized India’s parliamentary system to come to power in pursuit of its objectives.
From the formation of Bharatiya Jana Sangh in 1951 to the formation of first BJP government at the centre in 1997, Hindutva-fascism had gained ground in large parts of the country by working under cover of parliamentary politics. But as Ram Janmabhoomi agitation, Rath Yatra, demolition of Babri Masjid, the subsequent bloodbath of Muslims in many parts of the country, Gujarat pogrom and innumerable other large and small heinous acts show, they have used extra-parliamentary and violent terrorist methods for parliamentary ends.
They have achieved some significant success in their tactics largely because its parliamentary opposition – whether the Congress, revisionist CPI-CPI(M) or various regional parties – has proved ineffective in stopping the onward march of Hindutva-fascism.
In fact, these ruling-class parties themselves have many overt or covert Hindutva adherents within them and helped in the growth of Hindutva-fascism with their class collaboration and opportunist politics. Since the parliamentary elections of 2014, BJP has emerged as the largest, most powerful and most preferred all-India party of the big comprador bureaucratic capitalists and landlords subservient to imperialists by displacing the Congress from this position.
Like all fascisms of the past, the present growth of Hindutva-fascism has taken place amidst an acute crisis of the world capitalist system beginning in 2008 which has not shown any serious sign of recovery. Fascist trends of various hues are on the rise once again all over the world.
In India too, the old method of rule by the Congress-led UPA became inadequate for the Indian ruling classes in the present condition of crisis. Modi-led BJP was therefore catapulted to power in the last elections to carry out the agenda of neo-liberal ‘reforms’ more aggressively and ruthlessly – by fascist means if need be.
The BJP with its neo-fascist Hindutva ideology and a wide network of fascist organisations working in almost all fields and regions and among all social sections, was best suited for the job.
The ‘slow’ pace of the IMF-World Bank  neo-liberal reforms and or hold-ups in opening all sectors of the economy for foreign and Indian big capital has led the BJP and its NDA allies to steamroll a plethora of policy changes through parliamentary and extra-parliamentary means.
Displaying naked majoritarianism based on its absolute majority in the Lok Sabha, Modi-led BJP government is imposing these policies with the fascist argument that they have got the popular mandate to implement whatever programme and policy they like.
It is worth noting that the Fascists in Italy and the Nazis in Germany too had won majority seats in the parliamentary elections and used this brute majority to impose their policies. As the country’s economy sinks deeper into the abyss of recession and crisis, Hindutva-fascists led by Modi are taking desperate measures to satisfy their masters – the imperialists.
On the one hand, the big capitalists big and landlords are showered with enormous financial windfall through introduction of new pro-corporate laws and changes in the existing laws, tax cuts and tax holidays, loan waivers and debt restructuring, disinvestment, handing over government property at dirt-cheap rates and through numerous such legal and illegal means.
A number of existing laws related to the well-being and welfare of the people such as labour laws, laws entitling peasants to subsidy and compensation, pension, retirement-benefit and insurance regulations for the salaried classes, laws related to social security, health and education, etc. are being changed by the government by terming them as old and obsolete, while the age-old colonial laws used for suppressing the people are not only being retained but are bolstered with newer amendments.
Schemes like ‘skill development’ are introduced to prepare a few million unemployed as cheap semi skilled labour to meet the needs of the global capitalist economy and the Indian big capitalists.
The drama of debate is acted-out in the pigsty of parliament by the ruling parties and the opposition alike, but all anti-people bills and policies are ultimately passed with mutual understanding.
On the other hand, government expenditure on agriculture and manufacturing, social welfare and subsidies, education and health, water and housing, etc., are drastically curtailed in the name of fiscal discipline and austerity.
Economic and political rights won by the people – be it workers, peasants, working women, employees, salaried people and others from the middle classes through long and bitter struggles – are taken away step by step to serve the interests of the imperialists and the Indian ruling classes.
It is introducing a plethora of new policies that are having a bearing upon all spheres – economy, education, health, environment, social welfare and so on. Foreign investment which only tightens the noose of imperialism is presented by Modi government as the panacea for all the economic problems besetting the country.
While mouthing pious discourses on ‘Environmental Justice’, the government is proceeding to remove even the remaining namesake restrictions on environmentally sensitive zones to invite foreign investment and maximize the exploitation of natural resources.
By issuing indiscriminate clearance to mining, dams, highways, ports, housing, industries and such other projects and almost all kinds of services in such ecologically fragile regions, it is giving an open  invitation for unprecedented ecological destruction and pollution, not to speak of large scale displacement of the people. Unable to address the basic problems of the masses or fulfill the grand pre-election promises, Modi and his ministers are resorting to gimmicks and ‘perception management’.
Following the model of the Nazi ace-propagandist Joseph Goebbels, Modi government is making extensive use of print, electronic and digital media to slyly manipulate public opinion, to delude the masses with lies and deception and to hard-sell the pro-imperialist and pro-Hindutva agenda it is trying to implement.
The media is being controlled in covert and overt ways to monopolize the means of disseminating information. Phrases like ‘development’, ‘empowerment’ of the poor and the Dalits, Adivasis, women or other ‘weaker sections’, ‘Sadbhavana- Shanti-Suraksha’, ‘nation building’, ‘national interest’ and such phrases are relentlessly bombarded in a Goebbelsian manner.
Sangh Parivar organisations too are using mass media to hide the real face of Hindutva fascism, to shape public opinion in favour of its agenda and to turn illusions into reality. Hypocrisy in words and in practice is a hallmark of the Hindutva-fascists.
Parallel to this process is the gradual fascization of the state. Be it the bureaucracy, judiciary, armed forces, jails or any other wing of the state – the BJP government is staffing their top rungs with Hindutva adherents wherever possible.
The military, paramilitary and police forces are being further fascized during their training and service by the Hindutva fascists by using state power.
They are being indoctrinated with pseudo-patriotism and favourite Hindutva themes like unity and integrity of the country, national interest, War on Terror, etc.
In this way they are being brought closer to the Hindutva camp and ideologically prepared to ruthlessly crush the people and all forms of democratic movements in the name of defending the country and the nation, religion and faith, civilization and culture, etc.
Keeping the mask of Narendra Modi in the forefront, Sangh Parivar is trying to expand its social base by introducing a few populist social welfare programmes like ‘Beti Bachao-Beti Padhao’, ‘Jan Dhan Yojana’, ‘Swacch Bharat Abhiyan’, etc.
Like all fascist forces of the past, the NDA government and the Sangh are taking up some of these populist measures only to facilitate the heightened exploitation and repression of the toiling masses and the oppressed social groups without stirring up widespread resistance.
A renewed attempt is being made at saffronisation of education through measures like rewriting of school textbooks, changes in the syllabus, imposition of Sanskrit, Yoga and Hindu rituals in schools, and similar other measures. Modi government has stepped up its interference in the internal affairs of the universities and all other autonomous institutions with the aim of imposing the fundamentalist Hindutva agenda.
This is in addition to the intensification of the previous government’s policy of promoting privatisation of education. It is aggressively eulogising RSS figures like Savarkar, Shyama Prasad Mukherjee and Deen Dayal Upadhyaya etc. and systematically naming public landmarks like roads, public institutions, welfare schemes, etc. in conformity to their ideology. Such measures are making the pro-rich, pro-Hindu, pro-‘upper’ caste, male-bias of the state even more pronounced.
Muslims and their organizations are being targeted by the state in the name of fighting ‘Islamic terror’, while discrimination against religious minorities is becoming more menacing. While a free hand is given by the state to the offenders of the saffron camp including murderers involved in massacre of Muslims, stringent punishment including life term and death sentence are being handed out to the accused Muslims.
A large number of them are kept in long-term detention without trial. Hindutva fascists are holding up religious minorities as the enemies in front of the people to divert their growing frustration and anger into harmless channels. Similarly, Dalits, Adivasis, women, oppressed nationalities, rationalists, atheists, democrats, communists or even the parliamentary opposition – anyone who are in opposition to them – are being targeted. Anyone standing for genuine democracy, independence, sovereignty and self-reliance or militantly raising the basic democratic demands of the people is subjected to brutal violence using the state or saffron terror.
Thousands of such attacks have been carried out in the last one and a half years of Modi rule, and the number is on the rise. The growing incidents of so called intolerance all over the country too are an integral part of the Hindutva-fascist design.
Internationally, BJP government and the Hindutva fascists are pursuing a ‘big power’/‘super-power’ status for India by more closely collaborating with US imperialism and clamouring for a greater role in international affairs.
In their attempt to transform the country into a strong regional outpost of the US and other imperialist powers, NDA and RSS is a policy of drummed-up big-power chauvinism and expansionism in south-Asia.
They are howling chauvinist barbs against Pakistan and China and are clamouring to expand the fight against ‘Islamic Terror’ by aligning more closely with US-Israeli foreign policy.
Guided by the hegemonic idea of the Hindu Rashtra and Akhand Bharat, they are more aggressively following the expansionist policies of the previous governments, interfering in the internal affairs of the neighbouring countries like Nepal in scant respect for their sovereignty, thereby attracting the wrath of their people.
The all-out Hindutva-fascist attack therefore is becoming unbearable not only for the broad masses of India but also for the people of our neighbouring countries.
In spite of the similarities, however, Hindutva fascism is no Nazism of Hitler’s Germany or fascism of Mussolini’s Italy. The material basis of Hindutva fascism lay in the country’s social conditions and backward production relations.
These production relations principally serve the interests of feudalism and comprador bureaucratic capitalism which are strongly integrated with and depended on the imperialist monopoly capital and are subservient to it.
This results in the type of fascism peculiar to our country and any semi-colonial and semi-feudal countries – comprador-feudal fascism.
As a result, Hindutva-fascism is necessarily weaker and more unstable than its counterparts in capitalist countries. As Dimitrov pointed out, here there can be no question of seeing “the kind of fascism that we are accustomed to see in Germany, Italy and other capitalist countries” (Dimitrov, Seventh Congress of the Comintern, 1935).
Comprador-feudal fascism, by its very comprador nature, is unable to equal the fascism of imperialist countries.
In addition, the oppressive, discriminatory, hierarchical, unscientific, anti-people and reactionary Brahmanical ideology and the rotten Jati-Varna system associated with it has never gone unchallenged in the country.
It has faced unceasing ideological and political and other kinds of resistance including violent resistance from the oppressed and toiling masses from the time of its very inception. Whether Charvakas, Sankhyas and the Buddhists of the ancient times; Ravidas, Kabir and others of the middle ages or Jotiba Phule and Savitribai, Shahuji Maharaj, Dr. Ambedkar, Periyar and several others representing the Dalits, Adivasis, women and revolutionary-democratic forces of the modern period in their own ways took part in this unbroken history of resistance.
The people of the country, supported by the revolutionary and democratic people of the world, are now once again standing on the way of the neo-Brahmanical Hindutva-fascism.
It is not plausible, therefore, to establish the ‘Hindu Rashtra’ of their dreams which would require the transformation of the present semi fascist rule (with thinly-veiled fascist rule in some regions of the country such as parts of Dandakaranya, Bihar-Jharkhand, Jammu & Kashmir and the North East) to a complete and countrywide naked neo-fascist rule.
Indeed, the present unprecedented level of allround Hindutva-fascist attack is facing a broad resistance in the country. Protests against saffron terror and fascization of the state are going on, with more and more people coming out to join their voice.
The widespread indignation against the killing of Prof Kulbargi, Akhlaq and to a lesser extent the judicial murder of Yakub Memon carried forward this anti fascist movement.
Recently, hundreds of writers, artistes, academics, actors, journalists, film-makers and others from the literary, cultural and academic fields have returned government awards in an unparalleled protest against the attacks and growing threat of Hindutva-fascism.
Their opposition to the persecution of minorities, attack on the basic civil and democratic rights including freedom of expression and dissent and attempts to impose control and dictate have snowballed into a veritable avalanche of protest.
A large number of demonstrations, dharnas, meetings etc. are daily being organized across the country. The people of foreign countries too are expressing their condemnation of growing Hindutva-fascism in sharp contrast to the opportunistic whitewashing of the crimes of Modi and his cohorts by their governments.
The recent outburst of anger of the people fighting for Patidar reservation against hated state symbols like Police Stations has shown that even places like Gujarat which were once considered Hindutva strongholds are no longer safe due to the people’s growing frustration and anger. The people will surely make the Hindutva-fascists realize that they constitute only a small minority in the country representing the obsolete forces, the reactionary ruling classes and their henchmen.
The vast majority of the people of the country will neither subscribe to their reactionary ideology, nor will they take the forcible imposition of Hindu majoritarianism lying down. Sooner than later, BJP and the Sangh Parivar will realize that it is no fun to be the flunkeys of imperialism.
MIB unequivocally extends its revolutionary solidarity to all who are part of this common fight – revolutionary, democratic, patriotic and secular forces, workers and peasants, national and religious minorities, Dalits and Adivasis, urban poor and the urban middle class, national bourgeoisie, students, teachers and intellectuals, academics, historians, writers, artistes, actors, advocates, journalists, doctors, scientists, researchers, women, LGBT, differently-able, the old and the young and people from all walks of life who are standing up against Hindutva-fascist enslavement.
Taking inspiration from the experience of the international proletariat and the democratic forces in defeating fascism, we call upon all exploited and oppressed classes, communities, sections and groups to unite to become a mighty force against Brahmanical Hindu-fascism and to wage a protracted struggle to bury it once and for all.
With the understanding that fascism can be completely uprooted only in a revolutionary way and not by revisionist, reformist and parliamentary ways or through electoral ‘victories’ over the BJP, MIB appeals to you all to strengthen the ongoing armed agrarian revolutionary war led by the CPI(Maoist) to establish a genuinely democratic, independent, sovereign and self-reliant people’s republic which will be the real and final graveyard of Hindutva-fascism.